Skip to main content

Full text of "The Creative Woman"

See other formats



Spring/Summer 1982 






V* 8 



A quarterly, Governors State University, Park Forest South, IL 60466 Vol. 5, No. 4 Spring/Summer 1982 

A quarterly published at Governors State University under the auspices of the Provost's Office 

Governors State University and Helen Hughes 

Helen E. Hughes Editor 
Lynn Thomas Strauss. Managing Editor 
Joan Lewis. Editorial Consultant 
Suzanne Oliver, Graphic Designer 

Donna Bandstra, Social Sciences 

Margaret Brady, Journalism 

Rev. Ellen Dohner, Religion 

Rita Durrant, League of American Penwomen 

Ann Gerhart, Women's Networking 

Harriet Gross, Sociology/Woman's Studies 

Helene Guttman, Biological Sciences 

Mi mi Kaplan, Library Resources 

Young Kim, Communications Science 

Harriet Marcus Gross, Journalism 

Elizabeth Ohm, Library Resources 

Betye Saar, Fine Arts 

Sara Shumer, Political Theory 

Emiiy Wasiolek, Literature 

Rev. Elmer Witt, Campus Ministries 

lable of contents 



"by Lynn Thomas Strauss 3 



by Katherine Schwartz 12 


by Lee Shumer 20 

by Jane Kennedy 21 




by Elizabeth Fifer 35 





by Victoria Reiss (adapted) 

by Joan Elbert 


A Poem by Joan Barchard Lewis 

by Elizabeth Ohm 


The Creative Woman is a quarterly 
published by Governors State University. 
We focus on a special topic in each 
issue, presented from a feminist 
perspective. We celebrate the creative 
achievements of women in many fields 
and appeal to inquiring minds. We 
publish fiction, poetry, book reviews., 
articles, photography and original 
graphics . 


by Lynn Thomas Strauss 

The contribution of individual 
women and of women's peace organiza- 
tions is a significant part of the 
history of the peace movement in 
America. Influential organizations 
include the Women's Peace Party 
organized in 1915 and led by Jane 
Addams, The Women's International 
League -For Peace and Freedom, active 
from 1919 to i960 and Women's Strike 
For Peace organized in the early 
1960's and still active in the 1982 
anti-nuclear arms coalition. 

American women have a long tra- 
dition of non-violent resistance to 
social evils in general and to the 
violence of war in particular. 

Non-violence can be an activist 
tactic or a way of life and can include 
pacifism as lived by the Quakers, direct 
action as practiced by the suffragists 
or civil disobedience as advocated by 
Henry David Thoreau. 

To choose non-violence as an 
approach to living represents an 
affirmation of the goodness in all 
people and a belief in the power of 
love to act as an agent of change. 
The effectiveness of non-violence as 
a tactic has been proven through history 
by the successes of the abolitionists, 
the suffragists, the trade unionists 
of the 1930s, the followers of Ghandi 
in India, the civil rights movement 
of the 1950s and 60s and the anti- 
Vietnam War movement of the 1960s and 

The non-violent tradition in America 
represents a movement away from oppression 
and alienation, violence and fear to an 
emphasis on human dignity and a struggle 
for social justice and racial equality in 
a world at peace. 

Perhaps it is the optimism of non- 
violence as a theory, the faith in 

people and in the power of love that 
draw women in particular so strongly. 
Who knows better than the nurturers 
of human society both the potential 
of the human spirit and the fragile 
hold that we have upon this life? If 
there is a maternal instinct, what 
reaction is stronger or more understand- 
able than the attempt to protect human 
life at all cost? 

Now that women have a degree of 
freedom from cultural restraint that 
allows them to take a public stand, 
more and more women are speaking out 
on behalf of world peace. In June 
1982 more than 500,000 people, a signi- 
ficant percentage of them women, rallied 
in New York City in support of world 
peace and nuclear disarmament. But 
prior to 191^- only a handful of women 
were involved in public life and most 
of these were involved primarily in 
social reform movements. 

Until 191^ the peace movement 
maintained a comfortable position as 
a relatively uncontroversial reform 
movement. Women activists of this 
period were primarily concerned with 
gaining woman suffrage and aligned 
themselves with the peace movement 
only so long as it benefitted this 
central concern, (l) This early 
peace movement was involved more 
with improving things than in protest 
or change. 

The onset of World War I caused 
a sudden and dramatic change in the 
peace movement. It began to concern 
itself much more with basic social 
change and left behind its complacent 
attachment to the political establish- 
ment. This move away from conservatism 
was spearheaded by women who were 
veterans of woman suffrage, social 
reform and labor organizations. They 
did not share the distrust of demon- 
strations and the fear of indiscreet 
action that inhibited leaders of 
older peace organizations. 

On August 29, 191^ fifteen hundred 
women in mourning dress marched down 
Fifth Avenue in New York City in 
silence except for the beat of muffled 

drums. Crowds interrupted their 
silence with, applause as the leaders of 
the parade displayed their peace flag, 
a large white banner with a dove carry- 
ing an olive "branch in the center. 

The women's parade was significant 
for many reasons . It was the first 
peace organization to take dramatic 
public action. Like all effective 
direct action, the impetus for the 
parade had stemmed not from the desire 
to promote a specific peace program, 
but from "an Imperative necessity for 
expression". (2) The urgency of 
making a timely protest overrode at- 
tempts to formulate a set of policies. 

Within a year of the Women's 
Peace Parade a multitude of new 
leaders and societies emerged to 
challenge the political and method- 
ological biases of earlier peace 
organizations. The new leadership 
came to view the peace movement for 
the first time as a vehicle of change, 
of economic and political democrati- 

The Women's Peace Committee's 
most radical innovation was its 
insistence upon the special mission 
of women. The committee drew upon 
women active in public affairs many 
of whom were resentful of a political 
system and government controlled 
exclusively by men — many were hardened 
to political controversy and some 
may have acquired a taste for unpop- 
ular causes. Self-consciously part 
of an under -privileged group, these 
well-educated but under-challenged 
women displayed an affinity for egal- 
itarian ideals and radical programs 
unknown in earlier peace campaigns. (3) 

The parade and later the Women's 
Peace Party based their protests on 
one primary article of faith — the 
solidarity of all women in instinctive 
but rational opposition to war. This 
faith echos in the voices of women 
speaking at peace rallies today. The 
idea that women had a special interest 
in peace, and thus a special contribu- 
tion to offer to all mankind, inevitably 
led to the question of how this poten- 

tial contribution could be made effec- 
tive in actual political decisions. 
Thus, from the beginning the women's 
peace organizations found themselves 
inextricably involved in the issue of 
women's political participation. 
Millions of middle-class women in the 
early years of the 20th century were 
participating in local and national 
women's clubs and federations. The 
notion of special "women's causes" 
represented one of the means by which 
these women, while still accepting 
much of the Victorian ideology of 
special feminine characteristics of 
domesticity, emotionalism, sentimental- 
ity, and purity, could employ these 
very traits as justification for 
public action. One of the causes with 
the widest appeal was the quest for 
international peace. Women were 
presumed to be particularly inclined 
by instinct and temperament to concern 
themselves with the nurture of children 
and by extension, with the nurture of 
human life generally. "Conservation of 
life" and "protection of the home" 
were popular cliches (as they still are). 
War obviously posed a dire threat to 
home and life (as it does still). A 
variety of women's organizations includ- 
ing WCTU, The National Council of 
Women and the General Federation of \ 
Women's Clubs gave support to petitions, 
resolutions and appeals for peace and 

At the Women's Peace Party founding 
convention one of the most vigorous 
promoters of a permanent women's peace 
organization was 70-year-old Fanny 
Garrison Villard who had found existing 
peace societies ineffectual because 
they compromised true principles of 
peace to support "adequate armament" 
and "defensive war". Mrs. Villard 
wanted an organization based on the 
principle of "the inviolability and 
sacredness of human life under all 
circumstances". The hope of the 
future , she felt , lay in a new Minor al 
movement" launched by women, (k) 

Additional pressure for a women's 
peace organization came from promoters 
of social reform such as Lillian Wald, 
and from suffragists such as Carrie Catt. 

Others speaking out for a national 
organization were Mrs. Pethick-Lawrence, 
who had recently broken with Emmeline 
Pankhurst in the English suffrage move- 
ment and Rosika Schwimmer of Poland, 
a leader of the International Woman 
Suffrage Alliance who went to jail with 
Alice Paul. Pethick-Lawrence wrote 
"women see in this devastating war the 
utter failure to safeguard the human 
family, on the part of the male govern- 
ments of all nations .'perverted 

diplomacy' and 'male statecraft' have 
ignored the bonds uniting women, workers, 
and common people throughout the world." 

As with any political organization, 
there was conflict within the Women's 
Peace Party. At the organizing conven- 
tion political divisions, conflicts 
between rival reform organizations, 
disputes over method and personal 
incompatibilities and antagonisms were 
quickly apparent. But a coalition 
emerged because the suffrage leaders 
saw that through women's contribution 
to restore peace they could prove the 
worth and necessity of political partic- 
ipation by women at the highest levels 
and therefore argue more convincingly 
for woman suffrage. As a prominent 
figure in all of the participating 
women's organizations — peace, social 
reform and suffrage, Jane Addams became 
the logical focus of agitation for 
leader of a national women's peace 
organization. At the conference called 
through a letter signed by Carrie Catt 
and Jane Addams in January 1915 in 
Washington, the Women's Peace Party 
was born. 

The Women's Peace Party official- 
ly invited into membership any women 
who were in "substantial sympathy" with 
the party's central purpose, whether or 
not they could accept every plank in 
the platform. (The plank on suffrage 
being in dispute) . The controversy 
within the Women's Peace Party over 
suffrage soon gave way to the issue 
of radicalism. The emphasis upon fur- 
ther democratization and popular con- 
trol of foreign policy was more than 
some of the charter members could 
comfortably support. The New York 
chapter of the Party included Crystal 

Eastman, and other youthful radicals 
Freda Kirchwey, Fola La Follette, 
Jessie Hughan, Rose Scheiderman, 
Anna Walling, Anne Herendeen and 
Margaret Lane. By 1917 the New York 
chapter was embarrassing the more 
conservative women by its radical 

There was evidence that the 
Women's Party's basic supposition 
that WWI was unpopular might be 
changing as was the existence of 
solida rity of all women on the 
issue of peace. The Women's Peace 
Party found itself in an increasing- 
ly radical and minority stance. The 
women first asked to participate in 
official mediation in diplomacy, 
then semiofficial or unofficial 
mediation. Their attacks on the old 
form of diplomacy became more stri- 
dent, their demands for a more 
democratic and representative diplom- 
acy more experimental and egalitarian 
and their criticisms of dominant 
elements in American business and 
political leadership more frequent. 

As they courted workers and 
farmers in support of their campaigns 
against expanded military expenditures, 
and preservation of America neutrality 
they came to see themselves as leaders 
of a democratic coalition. The peace 
movement had for the first time in 
America become an agitator for social 

Frustrated in attempts at inter- 
national action, the Women's Peace 
Party turned in 1916 toward a less 
unpopular domestic campaign to resist 
further military preparedness. 

When in February 1917 the United 
States broke diplomatic relations with 
Germany, the Women's Peace Party faced 
the violent denunciations of a nation 
on the verge of war. Defections from 
all organizations devoted to peace were 
immediate and severe in scope. The most 
dramatic defection was of the National 
American Woman Suffrage Association. 
They pulled out of the Women's Peace 
Party because support of the peace 
movement at that time threatened to 

compromise the cause of suffrage. 
Leaders in the suffrage movement recog- 
nized the opportunity of war work to 
prove the economic value of women and 
realized that after significant war 
service women could never be overlooked 
in politics again. Sensing the possi- 
bility of earning the franchise through 
war service, suffragists rushed to 
form preparedness and war service or- 
ganizations . 

Also by 1917 "the New York chapter 
and the more conservative Massachusetts 
chapter of the Women's Peace Party had 
become polarized.- Although Jane Addams 
tried to steer a middle course, in 1918 
the Massachusetts branch changed its 
name and broke all ties with the nation- 
al Women's Peace Party. 

The core of the Peace Party survived 
and emerged in 1919 as a section of the 
new Women's International League for 
Peace and Freedom. 

During the next 15 years, (1920- 
1935) the Women's International 
League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) 
grew to 11 paid staff members, 120 
branches and over 13,000 members. The 
reaction to the end of W.W.I, was to 
inspire more people to pacifism, to 
abhorrence of war and to the belief 
that America would never again be in- 
volved in an international conflict. 
The W.I.L.P.F. was active as a reform- 
ist movement and had many strong paci- 
fist women as leaders. 

Dorothy Detzer, its lobbyist and 
executive secretary sparked investi- 
gation of the munitions industry that 
led to the formation of the Nye Commit- 

In 193^ the W.I.L.P.F. convention 
announced that a "real and lasting 
peace and true freedom cannot exist 
under the present system of exploita- 
tion privilege and profit" and that 
consequently it would see "a new 
system which would realize social, 
economic and political equality for 
all without distinction of sex, race 
or opinion". 

In 1937 as a war in Europe seemed 
imminent W.I.L.P.F. supported other 
strongly pacifist groups in their call 
for American neutrality. In 1939 still 
aligned with other radical peace groups, 
they vigorously opposed the Roosevelt 
Administration's foreign policy, aid to 
Britain and conscription. 

In 19U1 the W.I.L.P.F. national 
board reported itself "deeply concerned 
by a spirit of isolationism on the part 
of a large body of American public 
opinion— an isolationism which manifests 
itself in a narrow and hard nationalism, 
an unscientific racism, a disastrous 
militarism and an unthinking acceptance 
of an armaments economy." It added: 
"We believe. . .that the world has devel- 
oped into a single economic unity, . . . "( 5) 

When World War II broke out, W.I.L.P.F. 
lost half of its membership. Much of the 
staunch leadership remained including 
absolute pacifists Dorothy Detzer, Dorothy 
Medders Robinson, president during the 
war years, Hannah Clothier Hull (a Quaker 
and former president). Emily Greene 
Balch remained a member although she did 
support the war. (She later received the 
Nobel Peace Prize for her work in the 
W.I.L.P.F. ). 

As Pearl Harbor approached, the 
peace movement grew increasingly 
pacifist, with those supporting the 
war dropping out. But it had no immed- 
iate pacifist solutions with which to 
conf ront the growth of world fascism. 
So while pacifism may have been an 
ethically superior position, it was 
a bleak choice for people and for 
nations. The Jewish members of the 
W.I.L.P.F. were subject to persecution 
because of their pacifist beliefs. The 
New York chapter in particular suffered 
harassment . 

After the war, a much weakened 
League resisted internal pressure 
to disband completely. 

During the early 1950s the devel- 
opment of the Cold War caused a retreat 
in the peace movement. Pacifists were 
often the target of the anti-communist 
crusade. Also after W.W.II there was 

a growth of nationalism and consensus 
for military preparedness so we would 
be "ready" the next time. One impact 
of Hiroshima was the rise of "nuclear 
pacifism" as opposed to "pacifist 
humanitarianism'.' This trend continues 
in the Freeze Movement of the 80 ' s with 
more people opposed to nuclear war 
than opposed to violence in general. 
Later in the fifties after the Soviet 
Union detonated a series of H-bombs, 
70% of Americans favored a joint 
agreement to abolish arms and military 
training. Although few people were 
absolute pacifists, the peace move- 
ment in 1957 underwent a revival based 
on resistance against atmospheric 
testing of the H-bomb. W.I.L.P.F. 
took an active part in circulating anti- 
testing petitions leading to the 
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty signed in 
1963. The Test Ban Treaty was a 
clear victory of the peace movement — 
a popular movement had influenced 
national policy. But when the 
Kennedy Administration, sensing the 
strength of the anti-testing movement^ 
shifted the military emphasis to more 
conventional warfare s as it was soon 
to be applied in Vietnam, the peace 
movement mobilized yet again. 

It was about this time, in the 
early 60s that Women's Strike For 
Peace was formed. The Chicago 
chapter was led by Shirley Lens . During 
the Vietnam War years they actively 
protested American involvement in 
that war through strikes, rallies, march- 
es, mailings, and other direct action. 

Women's Strike was active in 
organizing the 1980 Women's Pentagon 
Action and this year used its slogan 
"End The Arms Race-Save The Human Race" 
to mobilize participants in anti-nuclear 
rallies in Chicago and in New York. 

During the 1970s the peace movement 
became more"respectable"and some groups 
merged with the liberal wing of the 
Democratic party'. But in spite of the 
decline of the movement during the 70' s, 
I agree with Dave Dellinger when he says 
in his book More Power Than We Know, 
"The fragmented movement of the early 
and mid-seventies has the potential for 

rebirth as a broader, deeper, more 
powerful force . " 

The years of anti-war activity have 
not been wasted. They have created a 
climate of public opinion and a history 
of peace movement involvment that are 
waiting to be tapped. 

Some of this potential has been 
tapped by Helen Caldicott in her organi- 
zation, Physicians for Social Responsibility, 
These practicing doctors speak nation 
wide about the realities of a nuclear 
incident and urge people to actively work 
for nuclear disarmament. 

Another new movement organized by 
Randall Forsberg is the Nuclear Freeze 
Movement and local groups have been 
successful in passing legislation pro- 
moting the nuclear freeze concept. 
Forsberg has been working for years in 
a national campaign to educate Americans 
about the nuclear dangers and to suggest 
a Congressional action. Several months 
ago a proposal for a bilateral freeze of 
nuclear weapons was introduced in both 
the U.S. House and Senate. The impetus 
for the freeze came from a paragraph 
written by Forsberg, suggesting that 
the U.S. and the Soviet Union jointly 
stop the nuclear arms race by ceasing 
deployment, testing and production 
of all nuclear weapons and vehicles 
designed to deliver nuclear weapons. 
The nuclear freeze campaign continues 
to gain momentum, but the rhetoric 
of the Reagan Administration suggests 
it is unmoved by the popular anti- 
nuclear movement. The true impact of 
the current movement will become clear 
with the events of the future. 

So although the peace movement in 
the 1980 's has a degree of credibility 
and the potential of exercising politi- 
cal power, it is still a minority move- 
ment. In spite of the length of the 
struggle for peace we continue to move 
forward seeking inspiration in the 
words of Jane Addams who , speaking of 
the position of a pacifist during 
World War I said, "...what after all 
has maintained the human race on this 
old globe despite all the calamities 
of nature and all the tragic failings 

of mankind, if not faith in new pos- 
sibilities, and courage to advocate 
them." (6) 

To tell the story of the role 
of women in the peace movement of 
America, I was "blocked and frustrated 
yet again by the gaps that exist in 
our libraries and in our history. 
Most of the women who have contributed 
time, intelligence, energy, courage 
and commitment to almost 200 years of 
struggle against war remain unnamed and 
unacknowledged. Yet, few would 
dispute the significance of women's 
contribution no matter how unsung. 
From the Quaker women to the Catholic 
workers to the suburban housewives 
women have been both the backbone 
and in the forefront of the non-violent 
struggle toward peace. I write with 
a sense of awe and honor for those 
who have gone before, a sense of 
respect for those who continue the 
struggle and a hope that future 
generations will be free to turn 
their vast energy in new and more 
creative directions. 


,1) Manchand, C. Roland. The knoJujxm 
Peace Movement and Social Refaonm, 
1898-1918~ . Now Jen^ey. PnA.nceton 
UnA.v entity Pn.ei>i>. 1972. Pn.e{ace xiv 

2) Ibid. P. 182. 

3) Ibid. P. 184. 

4) Ibid. P. 189. 

,5) Wlttnen., Lawrence S. Rebel* Again* t 
Wqa: The Amenlcan Peace Movement, 
1941-1960' . New Von.ii. Columbia 
llhTv&uuZy Pte64. 1969. p. 27. 

6) Lynd, Staughton. Edlton., Nonviolence. 
In Amenlca: A Vocumentxuty History . 
IncLLanapotiA S N.Y. BobbA-MenJtWL 
Company Inc. 1966. p. 189. 


Andz/uon, Wall. Edlton., The Age o fa 

Pn.otei>t . Pacific ?all6adh>, CA 

Goodyean. Publishing Co. Inc. 1969 . 
Vetllngen., Vave. Mon.e Pou)en. Than We 

Know. Ganden CXXy, N.Y. Anchon. 

Wee/Voubleday. 1975. 
Lynd, Staughton. Edlton., Nonviolence 

In AmervLca: A 'Oocumenta/iy History . 

InduanapoLU & N.Y. BobbA-MewuZl 

Company, Inc. 1966. 
MaJtchand, C. Roland. The Amenlcan Peace 

Movement and Social Refaonm, 1898- 

1918 . New Jen&ey. Pnuiceton 

Unlve/ulXy Pn.e*6. 1972. 
Wittnen, Lawrence S. RebeJU Against 

Wan.: The American Peace Movement, 

1941-1960 '. New yon.lz. Columbia 

Un4.venAltjy Pn.e*6. 1969. 
linn, HoLoand. Po&twan. Amenlca: 

1945-1971 . IncUanapolAA 8 N.Y. 

The &obbh-MennJUUL Company, Inc. 




American Friends Service Committee: 
Founded in 191? "by Quakers , this . 
oldline peace group (winner of 
the 19^7 Nobel Peace Prize) helped 
organize the campaign resulting 
in pro-freeze votes by l6l Vermont 
town meetings this year. 

Business Executives Move: 

A Chicago-based group formed 
during the Vietnam War era, BEM 
has remobilized against the im- 
pact of the arms race on the 

Clergy and Laity Concerned: 

Begun in 1965 to mobilize the 
religious community against the 
Vietnam War, this 25,000 member 
group headquartered in New York 
City, is now a powerful force in 
the disarmament movement. 

Council for a Livable World: 

One of the authoritative voices 
in the anti-nuke movement, the 
council is led by top scientists 
including Jerome B. Wiesner, former 
president of the Massachusetts 
Institute of Technology. Co- 
founder and current chairman 
George Kistiakowsky , a former 
Harvard chemist was one of the 
fathers of the atomic bomb. 

Federation of American Scientists: 
The first anti-nuclear weapons 
group, it was founded immediately 
after atomic bombs were dropped 
in WWII. The founders were 
scientists who worked on the 
first atomic bomb at Los Almos, 

Fellowship of Reconciliation: 

A primary force in the campaign, 
the FOR sponsored a Jan. 198O 
meeting of representatives of 
30 peace groups at which the 
freeze movement was born. 




343 So. Dearborn 


The Council 
for a Livable World 


To combat 
the menace 


100 Maryland Avenue, N.E. 

Washington, D.C. 20002 

Phone: (202) 543-4100 

11 Beacon Street 

Boston, Massachusetts 02108 

Phone: (617) 742-9395 

Mobilization for Survival: 

A national organization involved in 
coalition-building and education for 
stopping nuclear power, banning 
nuclear weapons, ending the arms 
race and funding human needs. 

Pax Christi International: 

An internationally-based peace 
movement, seeks to promote peace 
and justice through education and 

Planetary Citizens: 

Seeks to promote a planetary- 
perspective and commitment to 
humane solutions to global prob- 
lems through a prognam of publi- 
cations, workshops, conferences, etc. 


Mobilizes grassroots support for 
American initiatives for peace 
and disarmament efforts for 
economic conversion. 

World Peacemakers: 

Faith-oriented network dedicated 
to activating people on security 

National Peace Adademy Campaign: 

A campaign to institutionalize the 
arts of peace by teaching and 
researching the new science of 
conflict resolution in a national 
academy of peace. The National 
Peace Academy would be a graduate- 
level institution offering a two- 
year Master's program and it could 
have branch programs on existing 
college and university campuses. 

Freeze Campaign Clearinghouse: 

This information center was set 
up in St. Louis to emphasize that 
the freeze campaign springs from 
the heart of the nation — "a ground- 
swell coming out of middle-class 
America," says its co-director. 

111 United Nations Plaza 
New York, N.Y. 10017 


PHONE: (202) 546-7100 







Nuclear Network: 

A Washington-based group with the 
goal of keeping track of the pro- 
liferating number of anti-nuke groups 
g roups 

Parenting in a Nuclear Age: 

Founded by California parents 
who want to find a way to explain 
the nuclear issue to their children 
in "an unalanaing way." Arlyce 
Currie, who runs an Oakland day-care 
center, came up with the idea 
after her 9-year-old daughter be- 
gan having nightmares that the 
world was coming to an end. 

Physicians for Social Responsibility: 
The group claims 10,000 doctors 
as members. Its president is 
Helen Caldicott, an Australian- 
born pediatrician who resigned 
from Harvard Medical School last 
year to devote all her time to 
what she calls "the ultimate form 
of preventive medicine." 

Union of Concerned Scientists: 

This group of prominent scientists 
is headed by MIT physicist Henry 
Kendall. A sponsor of last year's 
nuclear-issues convocation on 150 
campuses, the union has endorsed 
a no-first-use policy, the nuclear 
freeze and cutting the U.S. strategic 
weapons arsenal in half. 

United Campuses to Prevent Nuclear War: 
An organization trying to mobilize 
the college population, which has 
been conspicuously absent from the 
anti-nuke movement. UCAM wants to 
inject the campuses into November's 
Congressional election campaign, 
resurrecting a force that has been 
still since the anti-Vietnam protests 
of a decade ago. 

Women's International League for 
Peace and Freedom: 

This group was instrumental in 
pressing for the Nuclear Test Ban 
Treaty of 1963. It alerted the 
public to evidence of strontium-90 
in women's breast milk. It hopes 
to register one million American 
women behind its "Stop the Arms 
Race" campaign. 

Will this 
be our 

Physicians for Social Responsibility, Inc. 
P.O. Box 144 

23 Main Street 

Watertown, Massachusetts 02172 


FOUNDED IN 1915 /First President: JANE ADDAMS 



by Katherine Schwartz 

I'm not much on meetings and I don't 
consider myself a joiner, but I suddenly 
have become more and more aware of the 
dangers of a nuclear holocaust. In 
response to the urging of some friends 
I attended a meeting with other concerned 
people. I began to pay conscious at- 
tention to the issue of the nuclear 
threat and I found myself clipping and 
pasting countless articles on the sub- 
ject. This heightened awareness, fear, 
and sense of responsibility led me to 
participate in the formation of the 
South Suburban Freeze Committee. 

The first article in my scrapbook is 
dated March 1, 1982: ON ACCIDENTAL 
NUCLEAR WAR, by Dr. James Muller, 
professor at Harvard and a founder of 
International Physicians for Prevention 
Homewood-Flossmoor Star , announcing a 
Peace Walk on April 10 in Chicago. The 
latest clipping (an inch or so of scrap- 
book later) came from The Chicago Sun- 
Times for May 27 and is headlined PAUL 
OF TERROR'." A late addition to the 
collection—and thus chronologically 
misplaced—comes from Chemical and 
Engineering News for April 12. 

Spread around my writing table are 
more pieces cut from the foregoing pub- 
lications as well as from The Chicago 
Tribune , The New York Times , U.S. News 
and World Report— all accumulated in the 
last three weeks, often four or five in 
a single day. A meeting of the South 
Suburban Nuclear Freeze Committee, many 
telephone conversations about a petition- 
ing drive in the south suburbs, a trip 
to New York City to be part of the 
750,000 who protested the nuclear-arms 
build-up there on June 12: these and 
related activities have combined to 
keep the clippings piled instead of 

At one corner of my table a stack of 
New Yorker magazines containing 


Jonathan Schells frightening "Fate of 
the Earth" (now published in book form) 
is topped by paperbacks of Roger Molander's 
Nuclear War: What's in It for You? 
(published this year as part of his 
effort to publicize Ground Zero Week 
April 17 through 24) and Nigel Calder's 
Nuclear Nightmares (1979). In a bulginq 
folder labeled "Illinois Nuclear Weapons 
Freeze Campaign" Randall Forsberg's 
"Call to Halt the Nuclear Arms Race" 

The United States and the Soviet 
Union should immediately and 
jointly stop the nuclear arms 
race. Specifically, they 
should adopt an immediate, 
mutual freeze on all further 
testing, production and 
deployment of nuclear weapons 
and of missiles and new air- 
craft designed primarily to 
deliver nuclear weapons. 

photograph by K. Schwartz 

Stuffed beneath this three-page "Call" 
are dozens of pamphlets and flyers, 
explaining everything from the rela- 
tive nuclear strength of the U.S. and 
the U.S.S.R. (experts disagree, mainly 
because there are several ways to count 
the weapons and their methods of 
"delivery"), and the effects of the 
nuclear build-up on our economy (freeze 
proponents say military spending pro- 
vides fewer jobs than if the same money 
were spent in the civilian sector), to 
the problem of verification (opponents 
say, "You can't trust the Russians!" 
while proponents reply that experts on 
both sides agree present nuclear devices 
can be monitored to some degree, and 
the pro-freeze group worries about the 
guestion of detecting new, ever-more- 
sophisticated weapons). 

Someone who has never heard of this 
protest against the "profound and un- 
predictable" risks of nuclear war and 
its conseguences--and there are still 
many such people— might be both sur- 
prised and baffled by this preoccupation 
with telephone and typewriter, or with 
books, scrap or otherwise. Why these 
meetings and marchings? Why this tidal 
wave of words, this avalanche of paper? 
We've had the bomb, lo, these 37 years 
and nothing has happened. Why all the 
fuss now? 

On the day my husband and I were to 
go to the New York June 12 Rally—only 
twenty minutes, in fact, from the time 
we had to leave— a reporter for the 
Suburban Tribune called. His main 
interest was whether or not the Flos- 
smoor village board of trustees had, 
the night before, approved a resolution 
calling for a nuclear freeze. I was 
happy to report that they had— unani- 
mously. Wasn't Flossmoor, he said, 
— uh— considered a rather — uh— 
conservative community?" Pleased that 
my village had come out on 
the side of the angels, I offered some 
generalization about the serious, thought- 
ful people who live here, but of course 
we both knew that most Flossmoor res- 
idents are, indeed, right of center on 
most issues—economic, political, social. 
With my husband frowning and pointing 
to the clock, I explained to my caller 

why I had to shorten our conversation, 
much as I enjoyed being interviewed. 
His last question—and he sounded 
genuinely curious— was about the 
South Suburban Nuclear Freeze Committee: 
Why did this group get together? I had 
no time to collect my deep philosophical 
thoughts, let alone refer-to my extens- 
ive collection of facts an-d figures, 
so I responded with the first thing 
that came to mind: "Because we're 

In a recent Sun-Times "Personal 
View," Ron Freund, Columbia College 
professor and member of Clergy and 
Laity Concerned, says, "A common mis- 
conception about the nuclear freeze 
movement is that it rose as if by 
magic." Although Freund concedes 
that the "bellicose policies" of the 
Reagan administration have helped to 
fan the flames of protest, he does 
not agree that they started the fire. 
As he sees it, there have been three 
periods of opposition to the nuclear 
arms race since 1945. The first 
extended from the bombing of 
Hiroshima and Nagasaki, in that year, 
until 1950, when people began to push 
aside their worries about a nuclear 
holocaust in the alarums and excurs- 
ions of the moment- -McCarthy and the 
Korean war. Beginning about 1958, 
fear of food contamination due to 
nuclear tests in the Pacific, Freund 
reminds us, "provoked widespread 
protest": women picketed the White 
House and 9,000 scientists signed a 
petition urging an end to nuclear 
tests. Then in 1963 a Partial Test 
Ban Treaty, forbidding tests in the 
atmosphere, was signed by both the 
Soviets and the United States. This 
soothed people's fears, while the war 
in Vietnam furnished a more immediate 
focus for protests. The third, and 
current period of opposition began 
after our troops left Vietnam in 
1973. A campaign against the B-l 
bomber got so much support by 1976 
that candidate Jimmy Carter opposed 
it, but as president he called for 
development of the cruise missile in 
its place. Peace leaders then worked 
(unsuccessfully, as it turned out) 
for ratification by the U.S. Senate 


of the second Strategic Arms Limita- 
tion Treaty (SALT II), signed by both 
superpowers. NATO's decision in 1979 
to place 572 missiles in Europe 
"awakened the dormant peace movement" 
there, according to Freund. More than 
three million protested both the 
proposed NATO missiles and the Soviet 
SS-20's. Then the Russian invasion 
of Afghanistan "provided Carter with 
a pretext to shelve SALT II, which 
created a vacuum in the arms control 
arena that the peace movement was to 

Results of a poll taken by The 
Washington Post and ABC News, and 
reported in U.S. News and World Report 
for May 24 of this year, says 61% 
of Americans who were asked "strongly 
approved" a freeze on nuclear weapons; 
another 15% approved "somewhat." 
The Nuclear Weapons Freeze Campaign's 
National Clearinghouse in St. Louis 
reported freeze resolutions passed by: 

April 19 June 16 

New England Town 



City councils 
around the 



County councils 



State legislatures 



Included in the figure representing 
city councils approving the freeze 
are twelve municipalities in Illinois; 
of these, four are in our south 

Much of the credit for securing 
these last named converts must go to 
the Homewood-Flossmoor Nuclear Freeze 
Committee. According to Barbara 
Smith, one of the members of this 
organization, H-FNFC was an outgrowth 
of a group led by the Rev. Andrew 
Skotnicki, of St. Joseph's Catholic 

photograph by K. Schwartz 


Church in Homewood. Father Skotnicki 
had presented a series of programs 
on the general topic of social 
justice, or its absence, including 
consideration .of apartheid in South 
Africa, conditions in El Salvador, 
conscientious objection as a legal 
option to the military draft, the 
relation of multi-national corpora- 
tions to war and poverty and nuclear 
power and the arms race. These pro- 
grams had a theological base; of the 
forty-some persons attending weekly, 
a group of about twenty—including a 
lawyer, an engineer, and several 
teachers, and ranging in age from 
25 to 60--decided to form a permanent 
group to discuss these and other 
issues in a religious context and to 
"pray together as a community." 
Eventually someone suggested the 
nuclear freeze movement as something 
they might well concentrate on. 
After research and discussion, there 
was a unanimous vote to pursue further 
self-education; later this goal ex- 
panded to include informing other 
south suburbanites and influencing 
village governments to go on record 
against nuclear weapons' testing, 
manufacture, and deployment. Meeting 
at lease once a month, the group 
worked to enlist support from all 
area churches and synagogues and was 
successful in twenty to thirty 
instances. In particular, Fr. 
Skotnicki persuaded the Homewood- 
Flossmoor Ministerial Association and 
the Park Forest Association of Churches 
and Synagogues to endorse the freeze. 
Following a highly successful "forum" 
sponsored by these two groups and 
attended by a capacity crowd at the 
Flossmoor village hall, Park Forest's 
was the first board of trustees to 
pass a freeze resolution. Calumet 
City followed, then Flossmoor, and, 
on June 14, Olympia Fields. H-FNFC 
is affiliated with Clergy and Laity 
Concerned and regards the passage of 
freeze resolutions by area boards of 
trustees as an immediate goal. 
Although petitioning was a very dis- 
couraging job at first, recently 
people have been more receptive. 
Eventually, according to Barbara 
Smith, the group expects to address 

other issues in the field of social 

The South Suburban Nuclear Freeze 
Committee, which will be six months 
old in August of this year, first met, 
according to the minutes of February 
26, as "a group of women concerned 
over the atomic arms build-up." 
Sue Dietrich, of Olympia Fields, and 
Virginia Lehmann, of Matteson, had 
asked some friends, who in turn asked 
their friends. Lehmann, in particular 
urged that this group decide on yery 
specific, limited goals at the outset, 
saving philosophical and more detailed 
organizational considerations for 
later, if events moved us in that 
direction. A meeting at Homewood- 
Flossmoor High School on March 7, 
when a member of Physicians for Social 
Responsibility would show a film, and 
the April 10 Peace Walk in Chicago 
were chosen for support and partici- 

We were part of the 20,000 who 
marched down Michigan Avenue on a 
chilly Saturday, April 10, as an ex- 
pression of support for "End the Arms 
Race/Save the Human Race." Keith 
Kluge, chemistry and physics teacher 
at Rich East High School, spoke about 
Ground Zero Week at one meeting; 
David Price, of Metro-West Peace 
Center in Oak Park, came to another 
to describe his group's activities 
and make suggestions for ours. Of 
ten committees formed, that of the 
study group has the largest member- 
ship, meeting every two weeks to read 
about and discuss the pros and cons 
of the freeze movement. So far 
members have considered Molander's 
book, a series of editorials in The 
Chicago Tribune , and the general"" 
subject of verifi ability— the diffi- 
culties of which inspire most of the 
objections to the freeze idea. Along 
with the speakers/program committee, 
those in the study group are making 
plans for speaking at our own general 
meetings as well as those of other 
community groups. 

At the June 12 Rally in New York, 
called to coincide with the month-long 


disarmament conference at the United 
Nations, it was possible to identify 
a marcher from the Chicago area by the 
three-by-nine-inch yellow card sus- 
pended by string around his or her 
neck. Those making the trip to NYC 
took these "Peace Proxy" badges, each 
containing the names of ten persons 
who had made contributions to the 
central organizing committee in 
Chicago because they wished to be at 
the rally in spirit, so to speak. 
The list of names accumulated in this 
way was to be sent to U.N. Ambassador 
Jeanne Kirkpatrick. 

Organizers were hoping for a turn- 
out of 500,000, too large a crowd to 
be assembled in any single place. 
Thus, each group had been assigned an 
area; SSNFC members found friends from 
Chicago at the Midwest assembly point 
on 57th near Third, as well as people 
carrying banners from other parts of 
Illinois, Michigan, Iowa, Wisconsin, 
Indiana, Minnesota. As we moved into 
a mainstream of marchers passing by on 
Third, heading for 57th and eventually 
Fifth and Central Park, we heard that 
an equally huge contingent was pro- 
ceeding down First to 42nd, past UN 
headquarters. The logistics of having 
every marcher pass the UN had insur- 
mountable problems; there were, in 
effect, two giant parades instead of 

The New York Times for the following 
Monday confirmed our observation that 
the march had been essentially "without 
incident" (we had seen large groups of 
police with apparently nothing to do 
but chat among themselves). The paper 
also reported that many of the extra 
large corps of workers brought in to 
clean up the park when the rally 
ended were set to raking leaves in- 
stead. The organizers of the march 
had arranged for trash bags to be 
distributed and had reminded the crowd 
over the loudspeakers to clean up as 
they left. So 750,000 people had put 
their trash in the proper baskets, and, 
when these overflowed, the litter had 
been stacked around the bins. As 
Hope Mueller, Chicago coordinator for 

April 10/June 12, said later, "We're 
against pollution, trash as well as 

Meanwhile, back in the south 
suburbs of Chicago, SSNFC carried out 
its plan of marking June 12 with a 
special petition drive. Some petition 
carriers preferred to go door to door; 
others went to post offices, train 
stations, supermarts, or malls. One 
woman who is recovering from a broken 
hip telephoned friends and neighbors; 
whenever someone responded favorably, 
her sister went to collect the sig- 
nature. Altogether, some 2300 signa- 
tures were gathered for use, it is 
hoped, in convincing local, state, and 
national governments to go on record 
as favoring a bi-lateral freeze "on 
further testing, production and deploy- 
ment of nuclear weapons." SSNFC plans 
to continue this petitioning. Those 
of us who have tried it (many of us 
for the first time) generally agree 
that besides the actual signatures 
gathered, the contacts, with both 
signers and those who turn away, are 
interesting, educational, and often 
rewarding. A negative response can 
be disturbing: after all, not every 
member of this movement is totally 
convinced that we have all the right 
on our side, or even that we can have 
a major effect on those in power; 
therefore, even a few turn-downs can 
shake our faith a little. 
Regardless of the limits of our op- 
timism or the extent of our pessimism, 
I think all of us agree that, as I 
heard someone quoted on a news program 
recently, "Action is the best antidote 
for anxiety." 

The marked differences between today's 
nuclear freeze movement and the protests 
of the Sixties were well illustrated 
by the speakers at the forum at Flos- 
smoor village hall on April 25, which 
H-FNFC had asked the churches and 
synagogues of Homewood, Flossmoor, 
and Park Forest to sponsor. The first 
two speakers were women, one from the 
American Friends Service Committee, 
and the other from Physicians for 
Social Responsibility: the first gave 
facts and figures about the nuclear 


arms race; ths second showed a film 
depicting the probable effects of a 
nuclear war. The other two speakers 
were a Homewood housewife and a 
Flossmoor businessman. The latter 
identified himself as one who might 
be said to epitomize the idea of "a 
conservative:" he is, among other 
things, an ex-Marine, the father of 
five children, vice president of a 
major corporation. No flower child, 
he. But he spoke briefly, quietly, 
and convincingly of his support for 
the freeze idea. The fourth speaker, 
Margaret Freund (no relation to the 
Ron Freund quoted earlier), has given 
me permission to quote from her 
remarks : 

I am here because I am--Mrs. 
Suburbia: wife, mother, homemaker, 
friend, teacher, volunteer, neigh- 
bor, room mother--a vast number of 
roles, but in many respects your 
average person with many of the 
ordinary, everyday, mundane - 
concerns of every individual.. 
For me, the arms race is a moral 
issue. It is a question of what 
is right and what is wrong. 

Each person is placed on this earth 
for but a fragment of eternity. It 
does not truly belong to any of us. 
We eat of its produce, drink from 
its lakes, are warmed by its sun, 
but we do not own it. God has 
given man great intelligence. We 
have used this intelligence to 
develop vast technologies. To use 
those technologies for the destruc- 
tion of our world is the ultimate 
sin. No man or woman has the right 
to destroy this world. 

With a similar eloquence, George 
Kennan, former ambassador to the 
U.S.S.R. under President Eisenhower, 
in his acceptance speech for the 
Einstein Peace Prize in 1981, had this 
to say about U.S. responsibilities: 

...we must remember that it has 
been we Americans who, at almost 
every step of the road, have taken 
the lead in the development of 
(nuclear) weaponry. It was we who 

first produced and tested such a 
device; we who were the first to 
raise its destructiveness to a new 
level with the hydrogen bomb; we 
who introduced the multiple warhead; 
we who have declined every proposal 
for the renunciation of the principal 
of "first use;" and we alone, so 
help us God, who have used the 
weapon in anger against others, 
and against tens of thousands of 
helpless non-combatants at that. 

The typing of this article has been 
interrupted from time to time for 
wren-watching: this is the day for 
the nestlings in our yard to (literally) 
try their wings as the parents sing 
encouragement nearby. The first child 
appears in the doorway, hardly hesi- 
tating before it swoops confidently 
to a tall stake in our tomato patch. 
From there, it watches while Number 
Two emerges, seems to lose its balance, 
clings frantically to the side of the 
little house--and scrambles back in. 
Soon a third— or is it the second 
again?--pokes its head out, looks up 
at green leaves and blue sky, down at 
grass and earth. Urgent melody from 
Mother and Father. Baby makes it to 
the closest perch and flutters timidly 
to the ground as another sibling's 
head fills the small hole. This one 
must have been impatient to enter the 
world: it flies straight away a^ a 
fourth new wren moves into view. 

This story, like many true tales, 
has no climactic ending. The last of 
this year's babies (we have never 
known the wren house to hold four 
until now) is taking a long time to 
think things over. Sooner or later, 
though, it will become clear that no 
more food will be delivered and the 
choice between starvation and action 
will be easy. One year, a reluctant 
one stayed in the familiar dark all 
day, but by the following morninq it, 
too, had flown. 

I find myself describing this with- 
out quite knowing why. Am I equating 
the fledglings with people who are 
venturing, perhaps for the first time 
in their lives, to help democracy work? 


Or am I , with a sharpened awareness 
that the earth can be totally destroyed, 
simply more sensitive than usual to its 
natural wonders? Perhaps readers can 
draw their own conclusions and find 
their own metaphors in the story of 
four tiny birds movinq, at varying 
speeds, from security into the 

Katherine Schwartz is co-chairperson 
of the South Suburban Nuclear Freeze 
Committee. She has been an active 
supporter of the Flossmoor Village 
Library and she has worked for 15 
years as a volunteer reader for 
Recording For The Blind, Inc. 

photograph by K. Schwartz 




A further word about SSNFC: 

It is made up of more than 150 persons from 21 communities: Blue 
Island, Calumet City, Chicago, Chicago Heights, Crete, Flossmoor, 
Frankfort, Hazel Crest, Hometown, Homewood, Kankakee, Matteson, 
Mokena, Monee, Oak Forest, Olympia Fields, Park Forest, Park 
Forest South, Richton Park, South Holland, Steger. 

General meetings are held once a month 
afternoons and evenings. 

, alternating between 

If you 
any kir 

are interested in joining, have 
d of contribution, please call 

questions, or wish to make 

Fran Marcus 

799-5233 (Homewood) 


Priscilla Rockwell 

748-8905 (Olympia Fields) 

Katherine Schwarz 

798-5332 (Flossmoor) 

Rita Durrant and Caryl Chudwln 

College After 30: A Handbook For 
Adult Students b y Caryl Chudwin and 
Rita Durrant (Contemporary Books , 
Chicago) is a guide for persons 
wishing to- complete a long delayed 
education. The "book is filled with 
some of the paths and pitfalls that 
the over 30 group may encounter 

as they seek their higher education, 
Also included are interviews with 
present or former students whose 
experiences may help to cut a path 
through the academic jungle. 
(Ms. Durrant has long been involved 
with The Creative Woman and serves 
on our Advisory Council). 



by Lee Shumer 



by Robin Tucker 

On June 12, 1982 New Yttrk City 
experienced a huge rally protesting 
the manufacture and deployment of nuc- 
lear weapons. In sympathy, thousands 
of American communities joined by hold- 
ing their own peace vigils. In 
Damariscotta, a small town on the 
Maine coast, about a hundred persons 
gathered in front of the Baptist 
Church on a grassy triangle, a tiny 
park dedicated as a War Memorial. 
The American flag flew above the old 
Civil War cannon, whose mouth was 
filled with lilacs. (Spring blooms 
late in Maine!) 

Some folks had brought folding 
chairs, some were standing and chatting, 
most of us sat on the grass. Clergymen 
spoke to us of our dedication to life, 
for ourselves and our children, of our 
heritage, of our beliefs. Robin 
Tucker beautifully sang her own com- 
position, "Silent Child". At twelve 
noon the bells of all four churches 
began to toll and we were silent for 
fifteen minutes, feeling at one with 
all the thousands of honing, praying 
vigil keepers throughout our country. 
Even the small children were quiet, 
listening to the bells. 

At the end, Robin led 
singing "Aint Gonna Study War 
...and we went on our way. 



all in 


Darkness surrounding, 

dying in the air, 
A little girl lay weeping, 

crying in despair . 
She cries out I 
Where is the sunlight? 

the trusted warmth I knew? 
But there ' s no one to hear her , 

and nothing we can do. 

So aren't you proud 

That we're the strongest? 

We have the might 

To go to war. 

But we're insecure 

And we'll continue 

To build the arms 

So we can kill more. 

The wind's lonely howling, 

the child is heard no more. 
The world slowly turning, 

barren to the core. 
Heed to the warning 

that fears our enemy. 
Realize we're of one world, 

sharing a destiny. 

We're too proud 

That we're the strongest. 

We have the might 

To go to war. 

And we're insecure 

So we'll continue 

To build the arms 

Until we are no more. 



by Jane Kennedy 

I remember a wise man saying, "There 
has always been war and there will always 
be war." It is useless to insist the man 
is wrong. Any history book will support 
the first part of his statement. As to 
the second part, as long as the patri- 
archy continues, so will war. Why? 
Because it is the ultimate level of 
dominance. Of course there is domin- 
ance exerted by men over women in 
individual relationships; and yes there 
is dominance in any hierarchical structure, 
Certainly the Roman Catholic Church is 
not relinquishing its requirement that 
women submit whether the issue is 
abortion, birth control or who can 
be priests. 

Women are required to be submissive 
in the workplace, for we continue to 
earn a 59 cent dollar. 

Nor are we going to be equal under 
the Constitution of The United States; 
the ERA appears to be , for this year, 
a lost cause. 

The advertisement that reads, 
"you've come a long way, baby," fails 
to add the obvious: "And we're not 
letting you go any farther". 

In our time it is clear that men 
continue the attempt to dominate women 
even though women increasingly are 
resisting their submissive role. Indeed, 
our resistance may increase the force 
of their control mechanisms (see, for 
example , the Hatch Act ) . 

But the patriarchy is constructed 
in such a way that the every-day 
domination of women is not very 
exciting after the male reaches age 20. 
The patriarch needs a stronger test 
of his ability to win. To win one 
must attack, and attack skills are 
sharpened in certain places — woman 
abuse, pornography and harassment on 
the job among them. These activities 
humiliate us, all of us. In an attempt 
to mitigate this shared humiliation 

the patriarchy turns outward seeking 
victory and a restored sense of 
dominance through war. 

Power, the ability to compel 
obedience, is a characteris-tic of 
the male in our society. But dominance 
is a bottomless cup requiring contin- 
uous feeding. Dominance requires 
submission which feeds the need for 
more dominance requiring more sub- 
mission. Satiation is never achieved. 
Like the men in the Story of , never 
could they humiliate her enough, each 
act more depraved than the one before. 

War is the wide screen version 
of the home movie, the act of attempted 
destruction of other nations of men 
with comparable power and need to 
dominate, an enemy so much like them- 
selves that victory proves their 
superiority. And thus ultimate 
assurance wipes out all lingering 
doubt of self worth until the next 

Is peace possible in the patriarchy? 
For five years or a decade, possibly. 
For an extended period of time? No. 
Somewhere in the world one will find 
the patriarchs deeply involved in 
their one permanent mistress, war. 
The love affair has lasted at least 
two thousand years. 

(Jane Ke.nne.dy aj> a nvuue. uiko kcu, 
gone, to pnJj>on twtce. {on. antl-wa/i 
acZivttteA . Ske. <U> pn.2AQ.ntty on 
the. faculty o{ St. KavteA College. 
tn Chicago, 11. ) 


In response to the "build-up of 
nuclear arms and the ever-growing 
threat of nuclear war, the peace move- 
ment has been gaining strength in re- 
cent months, "both in Europe and in the 
United States. The same fears and 
concerns which have sparked peace 
demonstrations around the world have 
also led to the opening of a new 
museum — The Peace Museum, which is 
the first museum of its kind in 
this nation. 

Located on Chicago's near North 
side, The Peace Museum is a unique 
institution dedicated to providing 
peace education through the visual, 
literary and performing arts. In 
addition to exhibits, The Peace 
Museum offers a Resource Center, 
films , lectures and educational out- 
reach programs . 

The Peace Museum was founded by 
Marjorie Benton, the U.S. Representa- 
tive to UNICEF, and Mark Rogovin, a 
Chicago mural painter who spent 
six years working to make The Peace 
Museum a reality. Although issues 
of war and peace had been explored 
in the past through a variety of 
disciplines, both Benton and Rogovin 
felt that the arts had not been fully 
tapped as a means of promoting peace. 
Both recognized how powerfully the arts 
could communicate the horrors of war, 
how richly they could express the 
visions and dreams of peace, how 
deeply they could touch and inspire. 

The museum's first exhibit was 
Against The Wall: Three Centuries 
Of Posters on War And Peace , which 
more than 3,000 people viewed during 
the two months that it was on display. 
The exhibit featured posters from 
20 nations and spanned 300 years of 
history, from the French Revolution 
to the present. Included in the 
exhibit were posters created by 
Pablo Picasso, Ben Shahn, Kathe 
Kollwitz and other artists, as well 
as posters created by students, 



workers, peace and political groups, 
religious organizations, children 
and veterans. More than 700 people 
attended the exhibit's grand opening, 
and many of them came with posters of 
their own to add to The Peace Museum's 

The Peace Museum is particularly 
interested in reaching young people 
with its message that peace is not a 
platitude, but an imperative, and 
during the month of March this year, 
The Peace Museum sponsored an essay 
and poster contest for high school 
students in Chicago. The students 
were asked to either design a poster 
calling for an end to the nuclear arms 
race, or to pretend that they just 
won the Nobel Peace Prize and write 
an essay describing what they did 
to win the award. Essays and posters 
submitted for the contest will be 
displayed at The Peace Museum in 

The display during April and May 
was an exhibit called Daumier to 
Doonesbury: Cartoons and Caricatures 
on War and Peace . In August , the 
museum will launch its most import- 
ant 1982 exhibit— The Unforgettable 
Fire: Drawings by Hiroshima Survivors . 
The drawings are being lent to the 
museum by the Hiroshima Peace 
Culture Foundation and have never 
before left Japan. T he Unforgettable 
Fire will open at The Peace Museum 
on August 6, Hiroshima Day, and 
the exhibit will run for four months. 

Mark Rogovin, the museum's 
curator, says that the public's 
response to the opening of The 
Peace Museum has been "incredible." 
Almost every day people come to the 
museum's staff with material they 
feel belongs in the center, with 
suggestions for future shows and 
special programs, with offers to help 
in whatever way they 'can. 

Rogovin says that he has already 
received requests for information 


from people in other states. who are 
interested in founding similar 
mus eums . 

The Peace Museum, funded by a grant 
from the National Endowment for the 
Humanities and private contributions 
is open from noon to 5 p.m. Tuesdays, 
Wednesdays and Fridays; noon to 8 p.m. 
Thursdays; 10 a.m. to h p.m. Saturdays 

Admission is free, but donations are 


The Peace Museum 

364 W. Erie St. Chicago, II. 60610 




gallery •resource center 'workshop 

364 W. Erie Street, Chicago, IL 60610 (312) 440-1860 

Fritz Eichenberg 

AUGUST 6 - NOV 30 

The Unforgettable Fire: 
Drawings and Paintings 
by Survivors 



Selected for THE PEACE MUSEUM by 
Ginny Moore Kruse 


Coerr, Eleanor. Sadako and the Thou- 
sand Paper Cranes . Pintings "by 
Ronald Himler. Putman, 1977 • 
6k pages. ipT ♦ 95 (also in Dell 
Yearling paperback) 

Acting according to an old belief, 
a Japanese child folds over 900 
paper cranes to escape death from 
radiation-caused leukemia she 
suffers twelve years after the 
bombing of Hiroshima. Although 
the child dies, her memory and 
story live through a well-known 
monument in Hiroshima's Peace 
Park. (ages 9-1*0 
Lifton, Betty Jean. Return to 
Hiroshima . Photographs by 
Eikoh Hosoe. Atheneum, 1970. 
92 pages. 

Information about Hiroshima is 
presented in words and black 
and white photos. Survivors 
were interviewed. Both the 
destruction and the reconstruc- 
tion are presented. (ages 12-adult) 


Janssen, Pierre. A Moment of Silence . 
Translated from the Dutch by 
Wm. R. Tyler. Photographies by 
Hans Samson. Atheneum, 1970. 
58 pages. $i+. 25 - 

The WWII occupation of Holland 
is compassionately described 
through the heroic acts and 
tragic suffering portrayed in 
war memorials and publicly 
displayed sculpture located 
throughout the nation. Jans son, 
a Dutch fine arts professor, 
was nineteen when the war ended. 
This is his personal statement, 
(ages 10-adult) 

Miltzer, Milton. Never to Forget ; 

The Jews_ of the Holocaust . Harper 
& Row," 1976. 217 -pages. $10.95. 

A detailed account of Holocaust 
events divided into three sections: 
History of Hatred, Destruction of 
the Jews, and Spirit of Resistance. 
Maps, a chronology, source documenta- 
tion and extensive bibliography, 
(ages 12-adult) 
Richter, Hans Peter. Friedrich . 

Translated from German by Edite 
Kroll. Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 
1970. lU9 pages. 

Told from the perspective of a 
German, non-Jewish boy, this novel 
details the subtle erosion of his 
friendship with Friedrich, his 
neighbor. Won the 1972 Batchelder . 
Award given by American Library 
Association for best children's 
book published in U.S. in trans- 
lation, (ages 12-adult) 
Volavkova' , Hana. . . . I Never Saw 

Another Butterfly; Children's 
Drawings and Poems from Terezin 
Concentration Camp 1942-19^4. 


Edited by Hana Volavkova 1 . 
Translated into English by 
Jeanne Nemcova' . McGraw Hill, 
1964. 80 pages. 

Materials by children from the 
archives of the State Jewish 
Museum in Prague document end- 
less queues and funeral carts 
as well as memories of nature 
and freedom of some of the 
15,000 children who passed 
through Terazin. (ages lU- adult) 


Lifton, Betty Jean. Children of 
Vietman . Photographs by 
Thomas Fox. Atheneum, 1972. 
118 pages. $5.95. 

Individual suffering, confusion, 
fear, and sorrow are communicated 
in photographs of and interviews 
with children in Vietnam in the 
early 1970s, (ages 12-adult) 

Tran-Khanh-Tuyet . The Little 

Weaver of Thai-Yen Village . 
Illustrated by Nancy Horn. 
Translated by C. N.H. Jenkins 
and Tran-Khanh-Tuyet . Told in 
English & Vietnamese. Children's 
Book Press/Imprenta de Libros 
Infantiles, 1977- 26 pages. $2.95 

A lively, happy Vietnamese child 
lives with her mother and grand- 
mother within the love of those 
she knows and the beauty of the 
Vietnamese countryside. After 
war comes to her village and her 
family is killed, she is brought 
to the U.S. for medical treatment. 
Her homesickness and commitment 
to her people lead her to weave 
blankets to send to Vietnam. 
(ages 6-10) 


Davies, Andrew. Conrad' s War . 

Crown, 1980. 120 pages. 

$7.95- (also in Dell paperback) 

A young teens fantasies about 
war games help him discover that 
war's glories and adventures are 
not what they appear. Set in 
England, C onr ad ' s War won the 
Guardian Award in 1978 and the 
Boston Globe-Horn Book Award in 
1980. (ages 12 and older) 
Emberly, Barbara. Drummer Hoff . 

Illustrated by Ed Emberly. 

Prentice-Hall, 19 67. 32 pgs. 

$8.95- Available in paperback. 

A cumulative folk rhyme about 
the loading and firing of a 
cannon carries a scondary theme 
of war's futility. The colorful 
graphics were cited in 1968 by 
the Caldicott Award Committee, 
(ages 4-8) 
Zim, Jacob, My_ Shalom, My Peace; 
Paintings & Poems by Jewish 
And Arab Children . Edited 
& designed by Jacob Zim. 
Poem selection by Uriel Ofek. 
Translation by Dov Vardi. 
McFraw Hill, 1975. 96 pages. 

Poems and paintings on theme of 
peace by over 100 children, (ages 9 




by Victoria Reiss (adapted) 

New York City is the center of 
the toy industry. At the annual 
Toy Fair, which takes place in late 
February, over 6000 buyers make their 
major purchase commitments for the 
following Christmas . It has always 
been our conviction that violent toys 
should never reach the store shelves, 
especially since one-third of the 
toys bought are purchased by children 
themselves. And there is often no 
guidance for their selection. 

Each year we have helped "open" the 
Toy Fair with a well -publicized protest 
demonstration against toys that make 
violence seem like fun. We urge toymakers 
to create toys that will help children 
to build a better, more peaceful world — 
a world that does not reflect and per- 
petuate the violence in our present 
society. This is what sadistic toys, 
guns and war toys certainly do. 

In 1975 PACT awarded its first 
annual Toy Awards to manufacturers who 
marketed toys that were safe, nonviolent, 
non-sexist and non-exploitative. The 
awards were given to: 
-Teaching Concepts, Inc., for their 
games Space Hop, Super Sandwich and 
Read Around. 

-Milton Bradley Company for its 
stand-up figures, Our Helpers. 
-Childcraft for its Toys by Antonio 

-Bell Records for the long-playing 
record, "Free to Be, You and Me." 
-Instructo for its Non-Sexist Community 
Careers Flannel Board Set. 
-Questor Education Products Co. for its 
Giant Tinkertoy. 

-Child Guidance for the Anything Muppet. 
-Parker Brothers for its Con Struct-o- 
Straws . 

-Fisher-Price Toys for its Play Family 
Sesame Street. 

In addition to demonstrations and 
awards you as a consumer and concerned 
adult can help. When you shop and see 

toys that you consider harmful, speak 
up. Express your opinion. It will 
make a difference. Just a handful of 
women working within PACT have convinced 
Nabisco Co. to discontinue a violent 
toy and Marx was once persuaded to stop 
making toy guns. (Unfortunately, Marx, 
under new ownership is making guns again.) 
With over 30,000 gun deaths a year in 
our country, it's high time we stopped 
making a gun a plaything. 

We have become a violent society. 
Unless we change human behavior, we 
will destroy our way of life. We 
cannot be satisfied to model for child- 
ren easy solutions for difficult human 
problems. It is a time for all of us 
to be creative. We need more toys for 
sharing and caring and not for scaring. 

VidtOhAJl R<lAJ>A UKU> tkz OtigOLYlLZQA 0^ 

No UaA loyh and PaAnnti> {^on. Responsibility 
In tke. Toy lndu&£n.y, pn.<LcuJUo>a> ofa PACT. 
Mi. Rqaj>6 li> the, motk&i ofi tkn.2.2. and 
lives In Wew Sohk City. 




Women peacemakers 

at work 

Banda ",or U 3 b t e h r |n U clear freeze 
Originator ot m* 


f00^ e \ 96 A-A9 8i 

peac e - 



for So c/a/ 








by Joan Elbert 

"Peace is not simply the absence 
of war, but also the presence of 
justice. " 

Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. 

Co-founder of CALC 

Clergy and Laity Concerned (CALC) 
is an action-oriented interfaith peace 
and justice organization — a nationwide 
network of men and women called to 
social action by religious faith and 
ethical principles. 

CALC, in its early years known as 
Clergy and Laymen Concerned about 
Vietnam, was founded in the mid-sixties 
as an outcry against United States 
intervention in Southeast Asia. The 
founding fathers — and indeed that's 
what they were — included such activist 
leaders as William Sloan Coffin, John 
Bennett, Rabbi Abraham Heschel, Phil 
Berrigan and George Webber. They 
called upon Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. 
to be the keynote speaker at the 
founding conference, and it was at 
Riverside Church in New York City, 
April k, 196T, that Dr. King made 
one of his first public speeches 
opposing the Vietnam War.* 

Richard Fernandez, a United Church 
of Christ minister was hired as 
Director. Fernandez is an energetic, 
persuasive person who soon raised enough 

money to start chapters all across the 
country charged with the task of 
developing opposition to the war within 
the religious community. The organiza- 
tion was dedicated to the principles 
of non-violent resistance, but is not 
pacifist. This is a rather subtle and 
sophisticated distinction and a position 
that the organization has been struggling 
with for years. This philosophic posi- 
tion enabled us to maintain a broad 
based constituency. 

Key to the early growth of CALC were 
the dedicated young people who staffed 
the chapters. Many of them were semin- 
arians, conscientious objectors and 
draft resisters. Local steering com- 
mittees were set up, and in many places 
draft counseling became an important 
part of the work. This was certainly 
appropriate for our group because so 
many young men were not pacifist or 
from traditionally pacifist denomina- 
tions, but truly objected to the war 
in Vietnam on moral gounds . 

Following the general practice of 
the day, the steering committees were 
mostly made up of men. Soon, however, 
women were called in to do the work, 
many of them housewives and mothers 
who volunteered for the usual tasks of 
getting out mailings and making phone 
calls for meetings and demonstrations. 

Along with the overall repugnancy 
to the war itself was the growing 
awareness of the immoral weapons 
being -developed and used. CALC be- 
came deeply involved in the campaign 
against Honeywell, the Minneapolis 
based corporation famous for manufac- 
turing excellent thermostats and 
cameras, and later production of 
anti-personnel fragmentation bombs, 
some of the most diabolical weapons 
used in the war, and, to this day, 
maiming the people of Indochina. 

Two significant things happened 
to the organization during this 
period: people were gaining a more 
fundamental understanding of the 
nature of the war and the role of 
the multi-national corporations, 
and women were playing a much more 


active and decisive role. By the 
time the last American pulled out 
of Vietnam in 1975, CALC had developed 
a unique political and theological 
perspective as well as a rather well- 
informed, progressive constituency. 

Fernandez was no longer director 
of the New York office and many of 
the "founding fathers" on the national 
board had moved on to other agendas. 
Two staff women with the Minneapolis 
chapter, veterans of the Honeywell 
project, threw out a challenge to the 
CALC national network to become more 
democratic in its decision making 
process and to involve its grassroots 
constituency in policy making. During 
an emotional weekend in Jefferson City, 
Missouri, in the hot summer of 1976, 
issues of sexism and elitism within 
the organization were confronted by 
members from all across the country. 

A committee of people representing 
various viewpoints was set up to try 
to resolve the philosophical and struc- 
tural differences. Interestingly, the 
committee members were all women. 
After eight months of intensive and 
sometimes painful struggle, this 
group presented a proposal to the 
national membership that was accepted 
with only minor changes . The women 
felt as if they had literally given 
birth to a new organization — an organ- 
ization now run by the regions rather 
than the New York office. There was 
now representation by active, if 
lesser known, local people and deci- 
sions were made by consensus. 

CALC today is still struggling with 
process and politics, but I believe 
these struggles have contributed to 
the vitality of the organization. 
Today there are U2 chapters and 
affiliates in 29 states. We are 
striving to become more multi-racial 
and have developed a third world 
caucus to keep us honest in that 
pursuit. One of the co-directors is 
Maryknoll sister, Barbara Lupo , who 
spent Ik years working with the poor 
of the Phillippines. The regional 
representative from Atlanta is a 
native Southerner who has used her 

understanding of the Bible belt to 
organize chapters in very conservative 
areas . The woman who staffs the 
Los Angeles chapter spent three weeks 
several summers ago driving through 
the Great Basin area of the West, stop- 
ping in every small town, looking 
through the Yellow Pages and calling 
on clergy to organize against the build- 
ing of the M-X missile there. 

Most women in the organization 
would describe themselves as feminists 
and all have certainly brought a fem- 
inist perspective to their work. CALC 
is commited as an organization to being 
in process non-sexist, non-racist and 
non-hierarchical. CALC has gone past 
the strong male dominance with sexist 
job divisions so common within peace 
and justice organizations in the 60s. 
Women, exercising full participation 
within CALC. have led the movement to 

include the laity in leadership roles . 

Because CALC believes that accurate 
information is a prerequisite in 
motivating the American people to 
action, education has become a funda- 
mental organizational priority. 

CALC's four major program areas 
are: Human Security — Peace and Jobs 
(militarism, The Freeze Campaign, 
draft registration) ; Human Rights 
( multi-national corporations , 
South Africa, El Salvador); the 
Politics of Food (Nestles' Boycott, 
agribusiness); and Legacies of Vietnam 
(veterans' issues, normalization of 
relations). CALC makes available 
a variety of films , slide shows , 
speakers and written materials in 
each of these program areas. Through 
this educational program CALC works 
toward increasing the public's 
awareness of the critical work for 
peace and justice that needs to be 
done. It hopes that this resulting 
increased awareness will be translated 
into concrete action. 

"When they arrested disarmament 
demonstrators, I was silent. 

When they arrested Black political 
leaders, I was silent.. 


When they arrested members of 

solidarity groups, I was silent. 
When they arrested Native American 

activists, I "was silent. 
When they arrested socialists and 

anti-capitalists, I was silent. 
When they arrested radical clergy, 

I was silent. 
And when they arrested me , there 

was none left to speak. 

-Adapted from Martin Niemoller, 

[ Joan ElboAt azavza on the. national Commtttzz o{ CALC, on the. 
Uayooood Commu>Aton on Human>, 
and on tko. AdviAony Boa/id o^ tko. 
LuutkoAan Coalttlon on South. A^jllcr. 
Sin.2. hai> tAavoItod on ^acX- ^tndtng 
mu>Aton6 to NtcaAagua and tn 19 SI 
to Vtotnam £ Kaupuckm. ) 

*Tku> bptvlng, CALC n.Q.phA.ntQ.d that 
i>po.o.c.k along iocth commejnti, by Anne. 
B/iaden and RoboAt McAfee Blown. It 
aj> ama.ZA.ngly pnophojblo, and cuAA&nt. 


• Goddeu lore • Sacred poetry • Networking 
» Spell* • Art SASE for free sample 

P.O. Box 11363. Oakland. CA 94611 



Sci Fi Flic 


ve peer beyond the brink 

feasting on our doom 

putting safely into fantasies 

our end 

as though we might 


this looming figure 

scythe in hand. 

We are innocents tottering 

toward the fire 
with its cheery light. 

Joan Barchard Lewis 

U.S. Air Force 

American nuclear-bomb test (1957): There is no such thing as 'winnability' 

by Jonathan Schell. (Knopf, 1982) 

Reviewed by Elizabeth Ohm 

To attempt a review of Jonathan 
Schell' s book seems presumptuous. 

Rather, one feels one should be out 
knocking on doors, organizing meetings, 
doing whatever is required to "reinvent 
the world," as Schell so harshly but 
realistically puts it. • 

We have been given the challenge 
before, of course. Since that late 
summer day in 19^5 when the city of 
Hiroshima faced eternity, intermittent 
if somewhat isolated voices have warned 
us of the perils of the atom. Is it 
a sign of some basic but deadly optimism, 
of our inability to comprehend the "in- 
comprehensible," or only that we couldn't 
be bothered, that we have failed to pay 
much attention? 

Perhaps we just need to have the 
situation spelled out in terms we 
cannot ignore. 

Jonathan Schell does just that. He 
has several points to make, and the very 
first is as chilling as any of the other s- 
that is , that knowledge cannot be revers- 
ed. Human beings have learned to split 
the atom. They have learned to make 
(and in fact now have in Place) weapons 
capable of annihilating all unborn gen- 
erations. And this knowledge cannot 


be stuffed "back into the can and sealed 
up. We must live with it, or die by it. 

His second point is hardly a point 
at all. It is, quite simply a word 
painting, brush stroke on brush stroke, 
of our desolate and wasted earth after 
nuclear holocaust — with the matter-of- 
fact reminder that, of course, no one 
will actually see the scene since no 
one will survive. And lest his descrip- 
tion provoke the argument that he is 
too pessimistic, Schell readily admits 
that in case of nuclear war "the adver- 
saries 'may_ not use all their weapons... 
the global effects may be moderate... 
the ecosphere may prove resilient." 
But at the same time he reminds us 
that "although the risk. . .may be 
fractional, the stake is. .. infinite, 
and a fraction of infinity is still 
infinity. . .if we lose, the game will 
be over. . . " 

The graphic and extended description 
of a devastated post-nuclear earth, 
horror piled on horror, leads to a 
discussion of what Schell calls "the 
second death'.'" And this is no less 
than the death of humankind. For 
included in the general destruction 
is the complete breakdown of all our 
life support systems, the shattering 
of ecosystems not fully understood 
but which combine to support all 
life. We are presented with a picture 
of a few hypothetical survivors after 
a holocaust: "Sitting among the 
debris of the Space Age, they would 
find that the pieces of a shattered 
modern economy around them — here an 
automobile, there a washing machine — 
were mismatched to their elemental 
needs . " 

The bomb-like effect of The Fate 
of the Earth may well consist in the way 
the author piles effect on effect in 
a narrative style, never screamingly, 
never emotionally — but the 
screaming arises within us as we 
read. For- the meaning of extinction — 
the death of the future as opposed 
to our own individual deaths, is 
made appallingly clear. And in this, 
perhaps, is a partial explanation 
of our seeming apathy in the thirty- 

seven years since the peril was made 
known. We all know we must die, so 
what does it matter to us what 
happens after that? Isn't the "second 
death" redundant? "What is it to 

But what it is to me, and to you, 
aside from the moral obligation we 
must feel to generations yet unborn — 
never to be born if we allow that one 
horrendous mistake — is the purpose of 
our humanity. Schell draws on Arendt, 
on Kafka, Gandhi, Edmund Burke and 
Pericles, as well as a host of others, 
to remind us that our only immortality 
is in future generations . All art , 
music, literature, knowledge of any 
kind, are useless and pointless if 
they are not to be handed on as a part 
of the "common world" we share, in a 
partnership of generations both past 
and future. 

The Fate of the Earth , in spite of 
its urgent message, is neither a 
polemic nor an overt emotional appeal 
(only in the last few pages does the 
author allow himself to use the word 
"love"). Instead the book is an 
example of erudition, of scholarship, 
of use of the language that any writer 
may well envy. And except that its 
subject is so grave, so personal, it 
also reads like a thriller — all the 
way through we wait breathlessly to 
see what the solutioniis for we 
sense that he does offer a solution, 
however difficult. 

I will skip over, though the read- 
er should not, the relentlessly logi- 
cal progression of arguments that show 
that wa r and national sovereignty, 
are no longer options in the survi- 
val scheme. The point is, as Schell 
says, that "in the nuclear worl 
survival has , for the first time, 
become an act. . .formerly, the future 
was simply given to us; now it must 
be achieved." For those who insist that, 
realistically, national sovereignty 
("patriotism") will never be given 
up, he replies, "political realism 
is not biological realism, it is 
biological nihilism — and for that 
reason is, of course, political 


nihilism, too..." — a repetition of 
the point he makes with chilling 
thoroughness throughout, that 
without living beings to experience 
them, human aspirations, or even 
sufferings, will never exist. 

So — the solution? Knowledge is the 
deterrent . (Shades of Thomas Jefferson?) 
If all of us know the direction we are 
taking, and its inevitable consequence 
(sooner or later), then self-interest 
will compel us to stop, dig in 
our heels, and "reinvent politics: 
reinvent the world" in a one-world 
mold. "With the world itself at 
stake, all differences would by defini- 
tion be 'internal' differences. . .for 
who would be the enemy?" 

In the meanwhile, we must effect 
a freeze on further nuclear deploy- 
ment, a reduction in nuclear arms, 
dismantling of present arsenals, and 
continuous negotiations on disputes 
no matter what the circumstances. 
"The dilemma of the nation that in 
order to protect its national sover- 
eignty finds that it must put the 
survival of mankind at risk is a 
trap from which there is no escape 
as long as nations possess arsenals of 
nuclear weapons. The deterrence 
doctrine seeks to rationalize this state 
of affairs, but it fails, because at 
the crucial moment it requires 
nations to sacrifice mankind for their 
own interests — an absurdity as well 
as a crime beyond reckoning." 

Evolution, Schell says, was slow to 
produce us, but our extinction will 
be swift. It will be over, literally, 
before we know it — no one will ever 
witness it. "Two paths lie before 
us. One leads to death, the other 
to life... One. day — and it is hard 
to believe it will not be soon — we 
will make our choice." It is up to 
each of us to decide the fate of the 
earth and the life upon it. 

[EtlzaboXk Okm aj> an active, momba/i 
ofi Tke. Csi&aXivz. Woman kd\)U>oK.i) 
CoancJJL and voonkk ai> AtfaiinAA&uutLvo. 
{JJohRhJjxn ^on. £k<i Va/ik Toh.0J>t LibnaAy. 


by Elizabeth Fifer 

By the time Gertrude Stein 
finished The Making of Americans in 
1911, repetition was a central 
component in her stylistic repetoire. 
Repetition freed Stein from the 
responsibility of content and 
awakened a sense of restored pos- 
sibilities. Repetition, like a 
double-edged sword, could pare 
away the cover of secrecy even as 
it drew attention to the surface 

of the text and, consequently, 
away from its author. For repeti- 
tion had the advantage of appearing 
to be self-generating — unendingly, 
and with seeming arbitrariness, 
repetition evolved new forms. (l) 
Such writing could, in its extreme, 
appear authorless, disembodied, 
"letting notion repetition dictate 
divine." (2) 

The catalogue of effects of 
"In Narrative", given below, dis- 
plays the range of heie purposes. 
It should be noted that Stein's 
third person plural pronoun here 
refers both to her readers and to 
her own relationship with Alice B. 

Reflect the behavior of their undertaking 
undertaking understanding understanding 
disobliging disobliging representing 
representing realising realising authorising 
authorising reduplicating reduplicating 
referring referring indicating indicating 
considering considering attracting attracting 
defending defending doubling doubling 
sheltering sheltering replying replying 
mentioning mentioning deliberating deliberating 
unifying unifying declaring declaring unattaching 
unattaching determining determining likening it 
to them. 

HTW, p. 242 


Characteristically this passage links 
the act of love with the act of writing. 
More importantly, it carefully provides 
a list of the major functions of Stein's 
repetition. Her way of paying tribute 
to these functions is to repeat them, 
but this insistence inevitably wrestles 
with her syntax, thus "disobliging" her 
reader. She "re-presents" the word, 
which is "made real" and brought to 
greater consciousness by granting "auth- 
ority" to the word's physical presence. 
Not only is the word more "real" when 
it is "reflected", and reflected on, 
several times, but with each repetition, 
it becomes specifically "authorized," 
more specifically the author's choice, 
while reciprocally enhancing her role 
as "author." "Reduplication" makes 
repetition multiple, where it "refers to", 
considers," and "attracts" ever more 
wcrds. Since repetition affords more 
sensuous attention to the word, stressing 
the sound of the word itself, it can 
"indicate" the word in all its aspects. 
In this process of association, the word 
"attract" sounds so much like "attack," 
for instance, that its opposite, 
"defense," is "attracted" to it. 
"Sheltered" from unthinking use by 
repetition, each word "replies" to its 
author by "mentioning" its own name, so 
that each singular "it" becomes a "them." 
Repetition is like love in that both offer 
ways in which the disparate bits of 
experience can be fused together. 

In How to Write (1931), from 
her mature "middle period," Stein's 
narrative technigue, although allow- 
ing for aesthetic, scientific, and 
even philosophical insights, is 
often based on what she considered 
the intrinsic beauty of certain 
repeated words, phrases, and sen- 
tences. Her specific goal at this 
time in her life was to free her- 
self from the necessities of 
"plot" and meaningful "statement," 
whose seguence and suspense she 
saw as distractions, renouncing 
the present and thus diminishing 
its importance ( HTW . p. 293). 
The object of artistic meditation, 
physically present within each 
separate moment of expression, 
is isolated, incomparable, and 

nonreferential . (3) 

In Stein's view, repetition 
provided a technigue for combin- 
ing words in seguences without 
denying their essential unigue- 
ness. She pursued a prose style 
whose methods and content would 
almost indistinguishably inter- 
twine. Taking words out of their 
original syntax and transforming 
them in repetition, Stein could 
both emphasize their difference, 
and continue to insist on the 
interrelatedness of all being. 
This "mystical element" of 
repetition makes a sentence more 
than the sum of its parts. 

What is the difference when 
they are all alike. There 
is this difference. They 
are all alike. . . 

It does not make any dif- 
ference with what they are 
all alike. . .forget the 
difference between arith- 
matic and a noun. 

HTW,pp. 143-4; 152 

Much of the energy of these 
aesthetic convictions comes from 
Stein's alternately revealing 
and concealing secrets about her 
sexual life, Repetition is another 
opportunity both to declaim and conceal 
her homosexuality, believing that "a 
sentence makes it be palatable* (HTW, 
p. 210), reasoning that "like makes 
likes" ( HTW , p, 210), and that the 
reader, also, will take "Dleasure in 
pairs" (HTW, p. 352), In the humorous 
style that Stein often uses when being 
most serious, she reminds us that even 
syntax and grammar are sexual ; the 
speaker's breath caresses every sentence, 
Grammar, being just another social more, 
falsely stereotypes and limits exper- 
ience by limiting the speaker's 
individual expressive possibilities. 
Learning about repetition, Stein argued, 
is another way of learning about the 
body. Exploring the various nuances 
of the repeated word is like exploring 
the variety oossible in the sexual act. 


M A sentence is with their liking to do 
it slowly. With their liking to do it 
slowly they allow themselves to advance" 
( HTW, p, 133). In such ways, the 
energy involved in sexual play transfers 
itself to a design for repetition and 
word play. 

There are two kinds of sentences. 
When they go. They are given to 
me. There are these two kinds of 
sentences. Whenever they go they 
are given to me. There are these 
two kinds of sentences there. 
One kind is when they like and 
the other kind is as often as 
they please. 

HTW , p. 149 

Here Stein's almost stuttering 
repetition both incorporates the intrac- 
tability of speech and propels the 
message about personal freedom. The 
same sense of mastery used in asserting 
her own sexuality puts pressure on her 
intellectual life as well: "A sentence 
is made by coupling" (HTW, p. 115). 

Bridgman has stressed Stein's fear- 
ful personal) as both an obsession 
and a release. Her fears and curiosi- 
ties drive her to bring up subconscious 
material in a habit of mind formed by 
physical impulse, a hypnotic, trancelike 
exploration. (5) If we accept this, 
then the very act of repetition 
itself can be seen as the neces- 
sary springboard for Stein's 
creative impulses. Denied their 
expected structure and syntax, 
the secrets in her sentences lose 
their "familiarity" and can pass 
the "uninitiated" reader by almost 
unnoticed. By insisting that 
words are not ideas but noises, 
and that "a sentence should not 
refer" ( HTW , p. 95), she can turn 
back any threat of self-exposure. 
Relying on the principle that 
repetition is inherently pleasing, 
"like" making "likes," "dependent 
entirely upon how one word follows 
another" ( HTW , p. 108-9), she finds 
a way to avoid paralysis when con- 
fronted with her own ambiguous 

feelings. "Unattaching" words 
from their proper places and 
usual connotations, she can 
avoid "discovery" even as she un- 
covers her most fearful secrets. 

In a wery specific and pecu- 
liar way, repetition is more than 
Stein's chosen medium of expres- 
sion--it constitutes her message 
itself. For doubleness is not 
just the gilding of the stylistic 
surface, it is the core of her 
identity and the engine of her 
awareness. The repeated word 
reveals a "repeated self," a 
double, a pair of twinned pro- 
tagonists. This double, whether 
conceived of as an alter ego--who 
does what the self wishes to do, 
but cannot--or as a biological or 
physiological "twin," is a symbol 
of the divided self, and reap- 
pears continually in Stein's 
work, (6) both early and late in 
her career. If Two: Gertrude 
Stein and Her Brother (1910-12) (7) 
concerns "two" becoming "one," 
again retells Stein's break with 
her brother, Jda (1940) (8) con- 
cerns "one" becoming "two" in 
rediscovered marriage and love. 
The repeated personal pairings in 
both these books, as elsewhere in 
Stein, function as the psycholog- 
ical equivalent of repetition. This is 
strikingly the case in Two , where word- 
splittinq and recombining announced the 
end of Stein's period of dependency 
upon her brother Leo's authority and her 
movement from the sound of his voice to 
the sound of hers. Only by repeating 
herself, Stein insists, could she over- 
come his actual as well as his psycholog- 
ical deafness. Ida 's narrator also is 
typical in her need to be divided before 
she can gain completeness. She progresses 
from her recognition of loneliness, to 
suddenly discovering her "twin," to 
becoming known through her, to enjoying 
that renown, to rejecting her twin by 
refusing to mention her, to overcoming 
her hesitancy about alliances and finding 
the comfort of intimate association. 
Significantly, Stein inserts one of her 
own traumatic "failed pairings" into 


Ida's list of suitors--Leon Solomons, 
whom Stein had romantic thouqhts about, 
but who died in his early twenties from 
an infection he contracted during a 
laboratory experiment. (9) If the 
emphasis in Two is on non-communication 
and fragmentation in relationship, then 
the emphasis in Ida is on talking, 
moving, learning again the necessary 
subsuming of the self to the other in 
intimacy. Even in such opposing works 
as these, the basic relationships be- 
tween people consistently reveal them- 
selves in duality and doubleness. 

The progress in Two is dependent on 
the shift of the narrator's time per- 
spective from an undifferentiated being, 
to the perception of two similar beings, 
to the complete differentiation of 
female from male— the killing of the 
false double. Though Stein's words are 
fused in pairs by repetition, like 
Siamese twins, her book is meant to 
present an actual experience of ex- 
tricating flesh from flesh, of dis- 
association from one body to promote 
the possibility of union with another. 
The unmistakeably erotic form of Twp_ 
lies in its choral bursts and its fugal 
variations, its symphonic repetition; it 
is a full -voiced hymn of "repeated" 
lives. Stein uses repetition of words 
and phrases to essentially dismantle 
Leo when she unmakes the "him" and remakes 
the "her" with the same linguistic 

If one is one and one is 
not one of the two then 
is one and being one is 
not one of the two 

There were two. The two 
were he and she. She was 
one. He was one. There 
were two. There were he 
and she. 

T. p. 100 

Repetition is more than mere 
ornament of affectation— it is 
the groundwork of Stein's reality 
and perception. 

Like most of her early por- 
traits, Two progresses slowly. 
Its novella length, however, 
lets Stein use repetition to help 
the reader share a direct exper- 
ience of separation: confusion, 
backsliding, realliances, further 
splinterings, the words duplicat- 
ing and reduplicating until they 
finally go their own way for "her" 
and for "him." (10) 

Although Jda_, written more 
than a quarter-century later, ^ 
belongs to a period of consoli- 
dation and success in Stein's 
life, it, too, takes doubleness 
and repeated identity as its 
central theme. Winnie, Ida's 
"twin," is her mysterious 
double, but more "visible," more 
desirable to men. She comes to 
serve Ida during a period of 
loneliness when Ida cannot seem 
to make contact with the outside 
world. Winnie is Ida's mirrored 
shield, not the hated self of Two 
but a beautiful and admired 
"winning" double. If Ida does 
not approve of what she is doing 
she can blame her actions on 
Winnie, who conveniently dis- 
appears when her presence is not 
wanted. The repeated self can 
encompass both the aggressive, 
extroverted "him" and the more passive, 
withdrawn "her." If this also allows 
for a tricking of the public, a shroud- 
ing of motives, that of course makes the 
situation even more attractive: 

If I had a twin well nobody 
would know which one I was 
and which one she was. 

I, p. 11 

Nevertheless, Ida, so intimately joined 
with Winnie, will have seDarated 
from her before she can achieve true 

The relationship is intrinsically 
ambiguous. Although Ida says she loves 
Winnie, who provides her with a liberating 

she is also capable of being 

disguise, ^ic n a.^ 
of her "other 1 


Nobody looked at Ida. Some 
of them were talking about 
Winnie... but really, is Winnie 
so interesting? 

Ida was not the same as Winnie. 
Not at all. 

I_, pp.25;26 

Attraction and repulsion are not op- 
posing impulses but the two halves of 
the same condition. Ida learns how to 
integrate this "more successful self" 
into her own identity—for "of course 
there was no Winnie," J_, p.26--and by 
being more herself, signing her name 
Ida-Ida. "She did have just that one 
name... and she liked it to stay with 
her" (I, p. 16). 

Stein's evident delight in writing 
disguised autobiographies and in appear- 
ing primitive and childlike is further 
evidence that the author shares the 
essential doubleness of her characters. 
With her typical flair for inversion, 
she chose the form of a "first reader" 
at the end of her life, in her period 
of greatest technical sophistication, 
to present a final reassessment of her 
double nature. The Gertrude Stein First 
Reader and Three Plays (1941), whatever 

its title, (11) is in fact a 
culmination, an anthology of her 
obsessive roles, all of which are 
here played by children, often in 
pairs. This album of her memories 
and fantasies, this retrospective 
exhibition of her intimate moments, 
arranges itself into progressively 
more difficult "lessons" whose 
final items include a few short 

Stein insists her audience 
come prepared to share her passions. 
Approaching her "cold" in Lesson 
One of the First Reader , the un- 
sympathetic reader is like an 
unprepared lover, or like a dog 
who would like to learn to read, 
but can 1 t. 

What did a dog care to know 
whether know is no, whether 
sew is so, whether read is 

red. . . 

it is not for him to know 
the difference between so 
and sew and sow. 

GSFR , p. 11 

If "so and sew and sow" all in- 
dicate possible artistic methods, 
Stein both "knows" and "no's" 
the difference between them, 
replacing the narrative of cause 
and effect with a repetitive and 
associational structure. The 
reader's job, like the writer's, 
is not merely to connect ("so" 
and "sew") our memories, but to 
create ("sow") a dynamic new 
existence, and a second self. 

In Lesson Three, a little boy 
with the suggestive name of Willy 
Caesar, Stein's version of her 
commanding male self, (12) has to 
defend his identity against the 
power of the wind: 

Willy said that the wind 
from the West was welcome 
to go away if it only wanted 
Willy to be Willy and not 
Willy Caesar. 

GSFR , p. 19 

Willy Caesar, like Stein herself, 
cannot present himself as a creative 
force ("will") without also inadvertently 
revealing his personal secrets--"will 
he seize her?" Though Stein's imperial 
self seems immune to public opinion, she 
is actually painfully vulnerable to the 
"stones and clatter" of the sort that 
affect Willy. Even Julius Caesar is 
capable of being M wounded"--and fatally 

Fear of danger, dissolution, and 
unmasking pervade the First Reader . 
It is filled with prohibitions and 
disasters: Willy is wounded and falls, 
a hen thinks she's a duck, and drowns, 
and Oliver (0-liver), another one of 
Stein's paired selves, in the play 
"Look and Long," cowers before a 
female Apparition that tells him: 





days you v 


queen even 
to prove it. 

will split 


Oliver admits this division but vows to 
tie himself toqether with bits of 
strinq so "nobody can know... that I am 
not one but two" ( GSFR , p. 77). 

For Stein, like Lucy Willow (a 
relative of Willy's?) in "In a Garden," 
the difference between the one and the 
two, between the self and the society, 
must be doubled and yet concealed. 
Identity does not resolve the question-- 
it poses it. Doubleness is our most 
basic nature. Lucy knows she is a 

if she lacks the "crown" 
She takes on the identity 
of the two men who come to court her, 
crowned as "kinqs"; when they die 
fiqhtinq for her hand she "slowly 
crowns herself with the double crown" 
of her own identity, both dilemma and 
accomplishment. This insurmountable 
doubleness is the framework of her 

Because Jimmie was measured by 
Johnnie. . .because Johnnie was 
measurinq Jimmie, Jimmie beqan 
to measure Johnnie and they were 
so back to back... which 
was Jimmie or was Johnnie 
just Jimmie and was Jimmie 
just Johnny. . . 

( GSFR , p. 25) 

She is Jimmie and Johnnie at once, 
and so no external measure of the 
self is appropriate. Just repeat- 
ing the sound of names long enough 
might fuse these identities, even 
as it confuses readers, but it 
can never confound the self- 
conscious "twice" of her being. 
By"doubling back" on language 
itself, she can escape her own 
internal censor, but the path she 
marks out will inevitably deliver 
her back to her own doorstep. 
Her sense of doubleness, of 
division, tells Stein who she is. 
Both energized and drained in this 
excess of "twice," the pulse of 

repetition is the process of 
identity. Personal ambiguity is 
Stein's only certainty. Every 
life is a double life, a word 
said twice, a repeated world. 


1. References to what Pierre Roche 
called "those damned repeti- 
tions" (John Malcom Brinnin, 
The Third Rose , Boston: 
Little, Brown, 1959, p. 150) 
abound in Stein criticism. 
Frederick Hoffman called it 
"her essential strategy" 
( Gertrude Stein , Minneapolis: 
University of Minnesota Press, 
1961, p. 20) while Brinnin 
thought it "was bound to result 
in a dead end" (p. 142). Stein 
herself rejected the term 
"repetition," preferring to 
describe her technique as 

Is there repetition or is 
there insistence. I am 
inclined to think there is 
no such thing as. repetition. 

There can be no repetition 
because the essence of that 
expression is insistence, and 
if you insist you must each 
time use emphasis and if you 
use emphasis it is not possible., 
(to) use exactly the same 

Gertrude Stein, Lectures in America 
(1935; rpt. Boston: Beacon Press, 
1957), pp. 166-167. 

2. How to Write (1931; rpt. New York: 

Dover, 1975), p. 40; hereafter 
referred to parenthetically in 
text as HTW. 


For Stein, "reality lay... in the 
objective condition of the word- 
object relation in each instant," 
Frederick Hoffman, p. 13. Donald 
Sutherland explains her technique 
of the continuous present as a way 


of writing that "would take each 
successive moment or passage as a 
completely new thing essentially," 
Gertrude Stein : A Biography of Her 
Work (New Haven: Yale University 
Press, 1951), p. 51. 

Richard Bridgman, Gertrude Stein in 
Pieces (New York: Oxford University 
Press, 1970), makes frequent 
references to Stein's anxiety; he 
often links it to her fear of her 
homosexuality being generally known 
or disapproved of (for example, see 
p. 94, or the quote from Stein, p. 137). 

Norman Weinstein ( Gertrude Stein and 
the Literature of Modern Consciousness , 
New York: Ungar, 1970), suggests 
that Gertrude Stein uses her syntax 
as a mantra or hypnotic religious 
chant (p. 94); Bruce Kawin ( Telling 
It Again and Again , Ithaca: Cornell 
University Press, 1972) explains 
that repetition helps Stein to reach 
her "most immediate and inaccessible... 
memory... to relieve unmastered 
material" (p. 17). 

Bridgman writes that "it can be 
demonstrated that much of her writing 
concerns two persons, who are 
often at odds. . .Gertrude Stein 
saw things in twos-- in pairs 
and opposites. . .Gertrude Stein's 
imagination readily seized 
simple schematic tensions such 
as could be expressed in pairs... 
(pp.xvi ,9 and 27). 

Two: Gertrude Stein and Her 
Brother and Other Early Portraits 
(1908-1912), ed. Carl Van Vechten 
(New Haven: Yale University 
Press, 1951), p. 22: hereafter 
referred to parenthetically in 
the text as T. 

Ida (1941; rpt. New York: 
Cooper Square, 1971) , hereafter 
referred to parenthetically in 
the text as l_. 

In Ida the death is retold as if 
Ida was engaged to someone who 
died on the eve of the wedding. 

Regarding Leon Solomons, 
Bridgman remarks, "the idea 
of an amorous attachment had 
at least occured to her" 
(p. 29). 

10. Because Leo could not read her, 
"it destroyed him for me and it 
destroyed me for him" (Gertrude 
Stein, Everybody's Autobiog- 
raphy (1937 rpt. , New York: 
Cooper Square Publishers, 
1971), p. 77. 

11. (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 
1948); hereafter referred to 
parenthetically in the text 
as GSFR . 

12. Bridgman has defined "Caesars" 
in Stein's work as the erotic 
title for Stein herself in her 
relations with Alice B. Toklas; 
the Caesars are "masters of 
ceremonies for the cow" (p. 152); 
Linda Simon links Caesar to 
"sexual delight" ( Biography of 
Alice B. Toklas , 1977; rpt. 

Avon Books, 1978, p. 316). 


Dear Helen, 

Enclosed is a bit about our June 12 vigil* and some of my 
darker thoughts about the chances for peace. Almost 
everybody, when asked, wants peace ... as everybody wants 
security, prosperity, life, "milk for babies," etcetera. But it 
wasn't only Johnson and the military who were gung ho in 
Viet Nam — a large section of the American people also 
supported it. And most people believe their wars are defen- 
sive wars — we've even changed the WAR Department to a 
more acceptable Department of Defense! People even 
believe that Civil Defense plans will help them escape the 
Soviet nuclear bombs ... or else they refuse to think about it 
at all. How else can all the government rhetoric and 
nonsense be explained? You see, I'm really very pessimistic 
and believe that one idiotic error of judgment can destroy us 

* See article on page 20 (Ed.) 

To the Editor, 

Last May, while accompanying my husband to a Convention 
in New Orleans, I had an experience which underlined for me 
the role of women for peace. One day from the streetcar, I 
spotted a massive stone synagogue on Charles Avenue. I 

got off and I was immediately struck by a very odd coin- 
cidence. In the front of the building, in bold letters, appeared 
the name of the rabbi — a female rabbi, which is not so 
unusual now but still rare. As I was absorbing this fact, the 
name became alive in my mind because it was that of a 
Sunday-school student of mine, whom I had taught 20 years 
before in Park Forest, as one of a class of extremely bright 
13-year-old boys and girls. 

On the following day, I attended the services and discovered 
that the rabbi was indeed my former student. The service 
was very enlightening, for she had chosen for her sermon a 
subject which in its simplicity may hold the key to averting 
destruction of the earth. Quoting Leviticus, the rabbi said 
that none of the lands on which the human race resides 
belong to any nation — all the lands, the fertile and the lean 
ones — belong to God, and they are not even leased to us, 
but men and women are merely expected to be caretakers of 
the land and in return receive the rich variety of food that 
the earth yields. If they are poor caretakers, then the food 
received from the earth is also poor, and in addition they fail 
to render the service they owe to the Super Land-Lord. If 
they are good caretakers, then they should by right enjoy the 
yield that the earth brings forth. 

There is no provision in this theme of things for fighting over 
strips of land, such as the Falkland Islands, or the 
Westbank, or the Eastbank or the rich coal areas of 
Southeast Germany. It makes no sense at all that some peo- 
ple should get killed so that other people of whatever race or 
nationality should receive more food. Nor should enormous 
sums be wasted on the production of destructive weapons, 
for those that contemplate this wasteful production are 
merely inefficient caretakers. 

Ursula Sklan 

To the Editor: 

I applaud The Creative Woman for devoting an issue to 
Peace. The acceleration of the nuclear arms race 
destabilizes the balance achieved by detente and increases 
the probability of war. People must be made to understand 
that war has become a likelihood, and they must be forced 
to deal with the implications of holocaust. Only then will 
disarmament begin. 

People have a tendency to avoid thinking about nuclear war 
in concrete terms. We evade the issue, or encounter it glanc- 
ingly in conversation or in the media; reducing it to abstrac- 
tion. It is a reality, and will not go away until it is accepted 
as such. Understandably, people do not wish to dwell on the 
horrifying spectre of war, but only by confronting it can we 
save ourselves. 

To give the concept of total war the priority it deserves is to 
become obsessed with it. Few have the imagination or the 
inclination to conceive, in detail, the effects of nuclear 
weaponry. The facts are readily available, however, and they 
do not present a pretty picture. Many would die instan- 
taneously, but most would suffer for weeks, with no hope for 
treatment. Those in the city centers would be envied. 

Dwelling on Armageddon is not brooding or pessimism, but 
merely objective appraisal of the contemporary world. Many 
of the informed authorities consider war inevitable at this 
point. The behaviorialist B. F. Skinner recently announced 
that he believes the human race is doomed because of our 
inability to control our own destiny: people do not under- 
stand the meaning of annihilation, thus they do not act to 
protect their survival. Dr. Skinner may be wrong if the public 
becomes aware that nuclear weapons themselves are the 
greatest enemy. 

Albert Einstein said "The unleased power of the atom has 
changed everything except our ways of thinking. Thus we 
are drifting towards a catastrophe beyond comparison. We 
shall require a substantially new manner of thinking if 
mankind is to survive." Think about it. 

Dick Reiss 


























wind words 

be naked. 

speak to the moon; 

for it is you who gives it light. 

hang goldthick stars from your hair 

with fishooks 

for fire is your only shadow. 


whisper to the rocks for it is time for them to dance and 

breathe deeply of these words for they are fragile 



In these last few days of July, 
there must be hordes of -women feeling 
as I do the sadness and depression 
that follows the current setback to 
the ERA. Now, we have to begin again. 
Now, once again, to make the immense 
effort. Theories abound on why we 
have failed at this point: we were 
politically naive, and our enemies 
were astute; or we self-destructed 
by linking ERA in many people's minds 
with related issues such as abortion, 
gay rights, or the draft. As a 
psychologist, I have to observe that 
this denial of first-class citizenship 
to 51% of the population can stem 
only from a depth of hatred and 
fear of women that has never been 
adequately grasped. Otherwise, it 
is incomprehensible that the rights 
of the majority cannot prevail in 
a democracy. 

A similar depression afflicts those 
who — as the many writers in these 
pages — are trying to come to grips 
with the facts of nuclear politics 
and the incredible dangers we face. 
For Jonathan Schell, peace requires 
nothing less than the end of national 
sovereignty. For Jane Kennedy, peace 
requires nothing less than end to 
patriarchy. Can we "reinvent the 

But (on the other hand) for the 
founders of a National Peace Academy, 
peace requires us to invest the same 
amount of energy and treasure in the 
study and teaching of the arts of 
negotiation and conflict resolution 
as we have wastefully invested in the 
arms race. Theirs is a sober, calm, 
realistic view that argues for the 
application of what we already know. 
And — as we go to press, Theodore 
Draper, writing on "How not to think 
about nuclear war" in the July 15 
issue of the New York Review of Books , 
argues for a policy of deterrence that 
is based on only enough striking power 
to prevent enemy attack — not 50,000 
times that minimal sufficiency, as 

we now have, and as we gear up for 
even more absurdly wasteful weapons . 
(Draper finds Schell as illogical, 
defeatist and delusional as the panic- 
mongering nuclear warriors.) There 
are many voices. 

How do we avoid depression and 
confusion? How do we take a long view 
of the historical period we are living 
through? I recommend to our readers 
the new book by physicist Frit j of 
Capra, The Turning Point , as a salutary 
corrective; stimulating, enlarging our 
perspectives, and — best of all — affirm- 
ing the finest instincts of feminists. 
Capra is best known to the general 
reading public for his previous book, 
The Tao of Physics , in which he showed 
how modern physics has attained in- 
sights into the nature of reality 
that parallel the insights of the great 
mystical traditions. In his latest 
book, Capra enlarges on that theme 
and develops its implications for our 
time. We are living through and 
approaching a great turning point of 
history, marked by three great shifts: 
_f irs t , "the most profound transition 
is due to the slow and reluctant but 
inevitable decline of patriarchy" ; 
after a rule of three thousand years, 
this all-pervasive power is yielding 
to the feminist movement and the strong 
cultural current of our timesj 
second , the decline of the age of 
fossil fuels — coal, oil, and natural 
gas — a brief blip in the history of 
human use of energy, these sources 
that were a billion years in the 
making, are about to be used up, and 
the transition to solar and other 
alternative, renewable energy sources 
will involve profound changes in our 
economic and political system; and 
third , the paradigm shift , which is 
nothing less than a shift in our 
view of reality from the mechanistic, 
reductionist, materialistic and deter- 
ministic ideas that have dominated 
thought since the Enlightenment, the 
Scientific Revolution and the Industri- 
al Revolution to the holistic, dynamic, 
synergistic ecologically aware ideas 
that are characteristic of the rise of 
feminist consciousness originating in 
the women's movement. When all these 


The Passage of the Solar Age 

Present time 

three shifts flow together and form a 
powerful force of social transformation, 
we are experiencing the rising culture . 
Capra leads us through the last few 
centuries of intellectual history as he 
outlines the Newtonian World-Machine and 
the influence of Cartesian-Newtonian 
thought on medicine, psychology, sociol- 
ogy and economics, leading behavioral 
scientists far astray. The new vision 
of reality is based on awareness of the 
interr elatedness and interdependence of 
all phenomena. Chinese ideas of YIN 
and YANG and their dynamic interplay 
provide a focus. Capra writes, worship 
of the Goddess will return! It is 
the task of women to play a pivotal 
role in bringing about the cultural 
transformation. Men will help, too, 
to the extent that they can outgrow 
their conditioning and learn to work 
in nonhierarchical, nonbureaucratic 
and nonviolent modes. Well, sisters, 
our work is cut out for us. Let's 
get busy. The hexagram for "change" 
in the I Chine, reads... 

f 9 


After a time of decay comes 
the turning point. The power- 
ful light that has been banish- 
ed returns. There is movement, 
but it is not brought about by 
force... The movement is natural, 
arising spontaneously. For 
this reason the transformation 
of the old becomes easy. The 
old is discarded and the new 
is introduced. Both measures 
accord with the time; therefore 
no harm results. a 



Dial-a-Poem Chicago 
The Chicago Council on Fine Arts 
has begun "Dial-a-Poem Chicago", 
a pre-recorded 1 1/2 - 3 minute 
reading by one of 33 Chicago area 
poets, which is changed weekly. 
Upcoming literary events are also 
announced when time allows. 

Poets were chosen through 
a competition open to the public . 

The Dial-a-Poem number is 
(312) 3 1 +6-3 1 +T8. 

The. Hundredth Monkey by Ken Keye&, Jn..* 
aj> a poweAfcut JUXtZe book that toJUU 
you what you can do to help aveAt cCu>a6ten.. You may bo, "the. 
hundnedth monkey"--tke one that makeb 
the, cLLfifieAence.. We think 60 kigkiy 
o£ tkiA book that toe one gtvtng a 
FREE copy wtXh a one yean. i>ubhcnJjption 
to The Oieative Woman. Send $5 to 
The. Woman faon. youn. copy 
ofa I he. Hundnedth Monkey and anothen 
yean. 0^ thu> quantenZy. 

*pubLu>hed by Vinton. Booki, St. Many, 
Kentucky 40063. $2.00. 


Make checks payable to The Creative Woman/GSU. 
Please send me The Creative Woman for one year. Enclosed is my check or money order for $ 

$ 5.00 regular subscription 

$ 7.00 foreign subscription 

$10.00+ donation and automatic subscription 

$ 8.00 institutional subscription 

Return to: The Creative Woman 

Governors State University 
Park Forest South, IL 60466 







Governors State University 
Park Forest South, IL 60466 

Nonprofit Org. 
U.S. Postage Paid 
Park Forest South, IL 
Permit #178